AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Speaker resumed the chair at 2 o'clock P. M.
INAUGURATION CEREMONIES.
The inexorable order of the Speaker had by this time completely transposed the clerical service, so that there was no more a clerk about the table; their "stationery," ink-stands and desks were turned over to the doorkeeper, and their places were filled with benches of Senators, Judges, ladies and ex-members.
A large assemblage filled, the hall of the House of Representatives, yesterday afternoon, to witness the inauguration of the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks as the State Executive for the next four years. The room commenced to fill up a long time before the hour appointed for the exercises to take place, and among the number present, were a considerable number of ladies, who filled the aisles of the house and every available seat hot occupied by the members of one or the other branches of the Legislature. At two o'clock the house was called to order by Speaker Edwards, who announced the reception of a report from the Committee on the Inauguration, fixing the time for the ceremonies at half past two o'clock. Committees were appointed to escort the Judges of the Supreme Court and members of the Senate to the hall, and those dignitaries soon made their appearace, the House rising upon their entrance. Messrs. Cauthorn and Glasgow of the House, and Williams of the Senate, were appointed an escort for Governor Baker and the Governor elect to the room. Lieutenant Governor Sexton having been unavoidably kept away by a railway detention. The appearance of Governor Hendricks and the retiring Governor, arm in arm, soon after, was the signal for enthusiastic applause. They were given seats at the Speaker's desk. President Freidley then announced the result of the vote for Governor, and declared in accordance therewith, that Thomas A Hendricks and Leonidas Sexton were duly elected to the offices of Governor and Lieutenant-Governor respectively. A few minutes after the stated time for the inauguration, Judge Buskirk administered the oath of office to Mr. Hendricks, the swearing into office being preceded by an appropriate prayer by Rev. Dr. Bayliss, of Roberts Park Church.
Governor Hendricks, after being introduced as the executive officer for the ensuing term, by his predecessor, then delivered his inaugural address, occupying just half an hour in its delivery. It was listened to with close attention from all present, and the general impression at the close was that it is in all respects an able and timely document.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives
In assuming the duties of the office to which I have been chosen, I invoke God's blessing upon our people and State.
It is primary among our obligations to see that every duty which the State owes to the United States is faithfully discharged, and that the rights and powers of the State are maintained and upheld. Between the rightful authority of the State and the powers of the United States there should be no conflict, and if they be asserted and exercised in the spirit of the Constitution, and with a proper appreciation of their relations, there will be none. Under the Constitution, each State and the United States are so related that support of one is fidelity to both, and hostility towards either is hostility to both. The exercise of unwarranted authority by either provoked collision, and is a public wrong.
The Federal power has become so great, the area of its operations so extended, and the allurements to its service so seductive, that our most watchful care is necessary to preserve the proper dignity and just influence of the State. It should attract attention, and excite serious concern when local troubles, and controversies growing out of matters wholly of State concern, are made the pretext for the interposition of Federal authority, and the menace of national arms. Surely you will agree with me that Indiana is so great a commonwealth, and her people are so entirely capable of self-government, that every question and controversy connected with her policy, or growing out of her action, and within the sphere of her reserved sovreignty as a State of the Union, must be settled and adjusted according to her pleasure, and by her authority.
My conduct upon all questions that touch the relations between the State and the United States, shall be governed by an earnest desire to preserve the legitimate authority of both, and to maintain the most sincere harmony.
By the prompt and full discharge of every duty and the exercise of a fraternal comity, I will labor to promote a cordial and enduring friendship between Indiana and the other States.
The welfare of the people requires that there be harmony between the Legislative and Executive departments of the State. For the recommendations I may make to you, pursuant to the constitutional requirement, I ask your respectful consideration; and I assure you that when the results of your labors shall be presented for my examination, your judgment will have its proper weight and influence upon any action; and I will take care that the laws you may pass shall be faithfully executed, in the spirit of their enactment and of the Constitution.
It is not expected of me upon this occasion to consider, with any degree of particularity, the subjects of legislation that may occupy your attention at the present session. That duty has been discharged by rny predecessor. But I can not avoid a reference to some subjects of special interest and importance.
Equal and just representation, and the integrity of the popular vote lie at the foundation of public authority; and the perversion of the one, or the corruption of the other, tends to the destruction of republican and free institutions. The preservation of both is among the most sacred obligations of the legislator.
The laws regulating our elections require your special attention. They do not restrain the cor- page: 34[View Page 34]rupt, nor protect the votes of the people. Our elections must not become a reproach. Their result must express the will of the people. Our system must be made so efficient as to guarantee purity in the conduct and management of the elections, and also to inspire and establish public confidence. When the people know that a political result has been fairly brought about, all discontent disappears; they cheerfully acquiesce, and yield entire obedience to the authority thereby established. I can not now attempt to suggest all the provisions that may be essential to an efficient system, but without the following no system will probably prove efficient:
- A fair and real representation upon the board of election officers of all political parties having candidates to be voted for;
- Voting places so numerous, and the precincts so small, in respect to the voting population, that all who offer to vote may be known by the people of the neighborhood, as well as by the officers.
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A reasonable period of residence in the election precinct as a qualification to vote, so that persons may not pretend a residence not real, in fraud of the law.
You will find an amendment of the second article of the constitution necessary, to enable the Legislature to prescribe such period of residence. The constitution wisely provides for its own amendment, by a convenient and economical proceeding, which renders it unnecessary to throw upon the people the expense of a convention, and avoids the possibility of changes not desired by them.
- The exclusion of money, as an influence and power, from the elections. If in the contests for power money shall become stronger than the people, we will have the worst government possible. It will be a reproach to us all, when wealth can buy what the loftiest talent, and the purest virtue can not attain.
In this connection I wish to call attention to the subject of representative reform, which, during the last ten years, has been advocated by some of the best minds, both in Europe and in this country, and is now undergoing the test of experience. I desire to make this the more emphatic, because in this State it seems yet to be regarded as right and proper, for the majority to deny to the minority even that representation, which an apportionment based upon population, and contiguity of counties would give. Representative reform rests upon the proposition that minorities of constituencies should have a representation as nearly in proportion to numbers as may be practicable. All the citizens contribute to the burdens of government, and should yield obedience to the laws, and it is just, equal, and fair that all should be represented. One of the ablest of English statesmen, in the debate in the House of Lords, on the reform bill of 1867, suggested this illustration; suppose a representative district has ten thousand voters, and six thousand are of one side in politics, and four thousand of the other, would that district not be better represented if both the six thousand and the four thousand were represented, than if the votes of either be wholly rejected, and without influence or power? He added: "I can well understand men who are extremely intolerant and exclusive in politics, objecting to give any voice to those whose political views are distasteful to them; but I can not understand such an objection being urged by those who are in favor of having public opinion fairly represented."
The advantages of this reform are obvious. Political asperities would be modified; local satisfaction would be produced: the temptation to corruption and bribery at elections would be greatly removed; and security and permanency would be given to the influence and power of the minority, thus securing a check upon the majority, should it become arrogant or unscrupulous, so that legislation would proceed more for the people and less for party.
This constituted a striking feature in the great reform measure of 1867 in England, a measure which greatly increased the powers and fortified the rights of the industrial classes in that country; it was partially adopted in the selection of delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1867, in New York; it is recognized in the selection of jury commissioners and election officers in Pennsylvania; and is an important provision in the new Constitution of the great State of Illinois. This reform has also been the subject of careful consideration in Congress. On the 2d of March, 1869, Mr. Senator Wade, from a select committee, reported a bill providing for its adoption in the election of Members of Congress. I will not undertake an examination of the different propositions whereby representative reform may be attained; that will be carefully considered by the Legislature, should a constitutional amendment on the subject be submitted to the people; but as a practical illustration of one of the modes, I quote the bill as repurted to the Senate by Mr. Senator Wade, "A bill to amend the representation of the people in Congress. Be it enacted, etc. That in elections for the choice of Representatives to the Congress of the United States, whenever more than one Representative is to be chosen from a State, each elector of such State, duly qualified shall be entitled to a number of votes equal to the number of representatives to be chosen from the State, and may give all such votes to one candidate, or may distribute them, equally or unequally, among a greater number of candidates, and the candidates highest in vote upon the return shall be declared elected."
The people expect at your hands substantial reforms in the civil service of the State. The Legislature of 1871 attempted the correction of many abuses, by the act of the 21st of February of that year, but that legislation has failed to accomplish most of the purposes of its enactment. Many of the courts have held important provisions invalid, for want of constitutional sanction. Extortion and constructive fees and charges should be prohibited and prevented. Complete reform will require the abandonment, in a large degree, of the system of fees and perquisites as a mode of compensating public officers. As far as may be practicable, fixed salaries should be established, and all other compensation prohibited. Thereby the temptation to make questionable and unlawful charges will be removed. The compensation which you may allow should be sufficient to secure the best ability and the highest qualifications, but not large enough to promote corruption in the contests for the offices.I cordially concur in the recommendation of my predecessor of a liberal increase in the salaries of the Judges of the Supreme Court; and I also recommend an increase in the compensation of the other judges of the State. The welfare of society is involved in the character of the judiciary. The people do not desire, nor can they well afford, the economy of cheap judges. Causes delayed, with accumulating costs; the time of jurors, parties and witnesses wasted; increased appeals to the Supreme Court; and the wrong done to private rights, all forbid it. The judicial districts and circuits have, in many instances, been increased beyond the demands of the public interest. It is becoming an embarrassment in the way of providing proper compensation for an adequate number of judges.
Personal and local importunity ought not to prevail over the public good. This evil should be corrected. Unnecessary circuits and districts should be stricken out, and those that remain so adjusted as to give full employment to competent judges, and to apportion the labor equally among them. If this be thoroughly and intelligently done, upon a basis of population or business, the judiciary may be strengthened and elevated, the necessary number of judges may page: 35[View Page 35] be well paid, and at small, if any, increase of cost to the people.
I am not prepared to say that our present judicial system is inherently defective. Many of the evils complained of result from the legislation enlarging the jurisdiction of the Court of Common Pleas, and thereby confusing the jurisdictions of that court and the Circuit Court; and perhaps the evils may be removed by your investigation and action. But if it be your judgment that a general revision and modification of the system is necessary, then I recommend that a commission of men eminent in the law be provided, who shall report a plan of reform at the next session of the Legislature.
I recommend that provision be made for the more secure keeping of public moneys. It is not just to require public officers to retain a personal custody thereof, and to denounce degrading penalties against them if they fail therein, and at the same time to leave them without adequate protection. But in no financial policy whatever, should the officers he allowed to make a gain to themselves out of the use of public money. That tends to corruption, and the insecurity of the theasury.
I need not urge you to extend a protecting and fostering hand over our free schools, and to guard with anxious care the funds that support them. Coming as you do, from among the people, you can not be indifferent to an influence so important to their welfare, and to the true dignity and strength of the State.
I trust the laws you may enact will promote the moral, intellectual and material walfare of the people.
THOMAS A. HENDRICKS.
The President of the Senate inquired, ineffectually, after the presence of the Lieut. Governor elect, and then adjourned the Convention without day.
The Senators having retired, and the Speaker being again visible and appreciable in voice and in the crack of his hammer -
Mr. Blocher. Mr. Speaker - I move that we take a recess for five minutes, to shake hands with the Governor.
The Speaker. It will be taken by unanimous consent.
Mr. Cauthorn. I move that the gentleman from Clark have the first shake. [Laughter.]
STATES PRISONS REPORTS.
The Speaker laid before the House a communication from the Governor, (Gov. Baker) transmitting the reports of the directors and wardens of the States Prisons, which he had neglected to transmit amongst the documents accompanying his biennial message.
On motion of Mr. Hardesty, the communication and reports were referred to the Committee of the Whole House.
The House then adjourned.
