IN SENATE.
WEDNESDAY, November 15, 1865.The Senate met at 9 o'clock A. M.
The Secretary's Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read, corrected and approved.
LICENSING THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC.
Mr. OYLER presented a petition from numerous citizens of Johnson county, praying for such a change in the liquor law as shall compel the applicant to obtain the signatures of a majority of voters in the neighborhood, city, town or township, to his petition for a license, so that no license shall be granted unless a majority of the voters are in favor of it. The petition was referred to the Committee on Temperance.
Mr. MILLIGAN presented a similar petition, which took the same course.
FAMILIES OF SOLDIERS, &C.
Mr. COBB presented a petition from the Board of Commissioners of Lawrence county, praying for the repeal of "An Act for the relief of families of soldiers, seamen and marines," &c., except so much, as authorizes the collecton of the tax specified in the first section on the duplicate of 1865. They also ask for the passage of a law providing that the monies so collected shall be placed in the treasuries of the counties where collected, to be and remain a portion of the general county fund, and to be disposed of as other county revenue. The petition was referred to the Committee on Finance.
Messrs. BONHAM, RICHMOND, Lieutenant Governor BAKER, BROWN, of Wells; ALLISON, and VAWTER presented similar petitions, which took the same reference.
page: 37[View Page 37]THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS.
Mr. NILES, from the Judiciary Committee, returned Mr. Hord's habeas corpus bill, [S. No. 196] introduced yesterday, with a recommedation that it pass. The report was concurred in.
EMPLOYEES OF THE SENATE.
Mr. BENNETT from the Committee thereon, reported the confirmation of the appointment of six assistants to the Principal Secretary, four to the Assistant Secretary, sixteen to the Doorkeeper, and a clerk and page to the President. Total - twenty-eight.
STATIONERY.
Mr. BROWN, of Wells, from the Special Committee on Stationery, to whom was referred tho resolution on that subject, reported a recommemdation that the resolution be amended so as to allow the President of the Senate to draw from the Librarian not to exceed sixty dollars' worth ; each chairman of a committee and each Senator, forty dollars' worth, and each officer, twenty dollars' worth. The report then adopts the wording of Mr. Bennett's substitute, (offered Monday,) with this addition: that in case stationery be not drawn to the account allowed, "they shall each respectively be entitled to draw in money the balance of said $30 and $40,"
The report was concurred in.
THE LATE OFFICERS OF THE SENATE.
Mr. DUNNING offered a resolution, which was adopted, allowing mileage and five dollars a day each to the principal secretaries, the doorkeeper, and the reading clerk of the last session for three days services, in organizing the Senate at the present session.
THE REBEL JEFF. DAVIS.
Mr. BENNETT offered the following concurrent resolution:
WHEREAS, Jefferson Davis, late President of the so-called Confederate States is now, and has been, for months past, in the custody of the United States, on a charge of treason against the Government. Therefore,
Be it Resolved by the Senate, (the House concurring,) That in view of the enormity of the crime, and the demands of the loyal people of this State, we respectfully request His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, Presidest of the United States, that the said Jefferson Davis, for his alleged treason, be speedily brought to trial before the proper civil tribunal, and if convicted, that he stall suffer the penalty prescribed by law.
Mr. WILLIAMS. I am satisfied with the first part, but with the latter I am not. The President of the United States ought to be allowed to exercise the powers he may have without interference. I move to strike out that part of the resolution which requests the President to cause the sentence that may be passed to be speedily executed.
Mr. BENNEIT. That resolution is simply expressinh our opinions. Southern Legislatures and Conventions have been passing resolutions begging that Jeff. Davis may not be tried, and this and that and the other prominent rebel may be pardoned, &c, and I think the State of Indiana has some stack in this matter.
Mr. COBB. I think the resolution ought to to be amended as proposed. The pardoning power is one of great importance, given to the President to be exercised at his discretion. This is one of those peculiar cases of which the President can judge better than any one in the State of Indiana. I have no doubt when Mr. Davis is tried and convicted, if tried at all, that the President of the United States will pardon him; and we ought to leave the President free to act; for he takes the responsibility in this matter.
The action of this Legislature ought not to have ary influence with him it ought not to have a feather's weight. I would like to see a judicial investigation of Mr. Davis' case, for it might be of advantage in the future. There are thousands of men - I may say hundreds of thousands - equally guilty with him. Almost every man in the Southern States before the rebellion was crushed, sympathized with him in the Southern rebellion. We have got to forgive; it is a matter of necessity; but we should set before the country a record that will be a warning to future generations - that such persons subject themselves to the scaffold. Public policy, humanity, and everything connected with the true spirit of human nature, require us not to administer technical law upon this people. Mr. Davis only acted as an instrument to carry out the sentiments of a large proportion of that people.
On motion of Mr. VAWTER the amendment was laid on the table by yeas 26; nays 22 - as follows:
YEAS - Messrs. Allison, Beeson, Bennett, Bonham, Brown, of Hamilton, Cason, Chapman, Cullen, Culver, Davis, Dunning, Dykes, Hyatt. Milligan, Niles, Noyes, Oyler, Reagan, Richmond, Terry, Thompson, Van Buskirk, Vawter, Ward, Woods and Wright - 26.
NAYS - Messrs. Barker, Bowman, Bradley, Brown, of Wells, Carson, Cobb, Corbin, Douglas, English, Finch, Fuller, Gifford, Hanna, Hord, Jinkens, Marshall, McClurg, Mason, Moore, Newlin, Staggs and Williams - 22.
Me. BROWN of Wells, offered the following amendment by way of substitute:
Resolved by the Senate (the House concurring), That in relation to the case of Jefferson Davis, President of the late so-called Confederate States, we have full confidence in President Johnson's sense and spirit of justice, and may safely leave the entire disposition of said Jefferson Davis's case in his hands, subject always to the Constitution of the United States and laws of Congress in pursuance thereof.
Mr. BROWN of Wells. The only reason why we should take some action in relation to this matter is given by the Senator from Union, [Mr. Bennett,] when he says that the Conventions and Legislatures of Southern States have been expressing their opinion upon the subject. I am not disposed to stir up the vindictive spirit of Republican members; but if peace has been declared, and we are subject to civil law, let us leave the matter entirely in the hands of the civil law. If, on every hand is to be met the vindictive spirit manifested by the Republican party in regard to many other persons subject to trial and execution for alleged offences of law, where, upon the broad face of tho earth, with that spirit prevailing, could Mr. Davis recieve an impartial trial? He might as well, without trial, submit to execution. I trust this vindictive spirit may not be manifested throughout this seesion, but that we page: 38[View Page 38] may hold to the common virtues of charity, banality and courtesy, in connection with justice.
Mr. OYLER. It is a little strange that in this age of the world men are awakening to such a realizing sense of the virtues of charity and mercy. On every hand we have presented arguments and claims for pardon and mercy for the greatest criminals the world ever knew. It is all right when our Southern brethren from every legislative assembly are beseeching the Presidant with their petitions for the pardon of these men who for four long years have been in rebellion and committed the foulest acts of treason known to civilized history. If they stopped at that, the appeal for mercy and charity might obtain; but I ask Senators and the assembled universe to look at the crimes and outrages committed by these men, outside of their legitimate acts of rebellion, so to speak. If Davis is not to be brought to trial, and if convicted, his sentence is not to be carried out, we have a recent judicial murder in the case of Captain Wirz. While I believe he suffered a just penalty for his crimes, I believe Jeff. Davis is a greater criminal than he.
I have as much confidence in the sense of justice of President Johnson as any other man; but as he himself has said, he is a man subject to all the frailties of mankind, and he can be influenced by the views of his fellow-citizens. An effort is made on every hand to influence him in one direction, and I ask why should not the voice of the loyal State of Indiana be heard in this matter? We owe a duty to law and order, nand it is important that it should be settled now, once and forever, that crime can not go unwhipped of justice in this land. [Applause in the lobby.]
Mr. DUNNING. I must acknowledge that whenever any personage connected with the terrible rebellion which has scourged this Country is spoken of, it excites my anger and all the malice there is in me. And while I admit we ought to be charitable, and mercy ought to be extended to the great mass of the Southern peopleand I am proud that President Johnson has adopted the policy he has in reference to Southern gentlemen of distinction - still I am anxious if Jeff. Davis is convicted that the sentence of the law shall be executed upon him. The Constitution declares that a party guilty of treason shall suffer death. This arch traitor, Jeff. Davis, has been one of the prime instigators of the hellish rebellion which has scourged this country and which is burthening the people thereof with taxes. What Senator is to stand here in defence of this infernal being who is yet permitted to breathe, and offer an apology for his conduct in bringing thousands to an untimely grave by cruelty that would disgrace an Indian?
To this arch-traitor may be charged the death of thousands of brave and patriotic men, brought to an untimely grave in the prison pens of Andersonville, and yet men and women - she rebels and she devils [applause in the lobby - repressed by the chair,] if I may be allowed the languageare petitioning the President of the United States to pardon this traitor. I have confidence in Andrew Johnson, yet he is but a man, and we have the right to say to him, if Davis is tried and convicted, let the sentence of the law be executed. If he were a day laborer or a respectable farmer who had committed an act of treason, and for that tried and condemned, you would not hear of legislatures and public bodies in the Southern States petitioning the President of the United States to pardon him. It is proper, if convicted, that he should be executed; that the nations of the earth should know the people of the United States are true to themselves, true to the cause of their country, true to mercy, and true to justice in behalf of those who have sacrificed their lives for the support of the Constitution. As a general thing, I trust, indeed I know, there is no malice in me. I am in favor of charity toward those persons as a mass, but if I could see Davis hung ninety and nine times, he would not receive the punishment he should receive for causing our soldiers to perish by his bad conduct. I hope the resolution will pass. [Renewed applause in the lobbies]
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. The Doorkeeper will keep order in the lobbies. These demonstrations are entirely improper and will not be tolerated.
Mr. CULLEN. While I have implicit confidence in tbe President of the United States, I would not destroy this resolution by the substitute. I have differed with President Johnson on the punishment of these rebels from tbe beginning. He, however, can judge what should be done better than I. I have ever thought, since the capture of Davis - he being the head, and under whose authority these other men have acted - that he is the man that ought to have been first tried and first executed. Since everything has become calm - and I am glad of it - there seems to be a disposition to look with mercy upon these parties, but it seems to me the enormity of their crimes speak to us in thunder tones, and demand of us an expression of our opinion on this important subject. I shall therefore vote for this resolution, believing it to be the voice of the people I represent.
Mr. HANNA As this resolution, Mr. President, embraces one of the most serious questions now before the country, I hope it will be referred to a committee. I do not think it should be disposed of in an hour. We should take time to weigh it carefully. For myself, I have no desire to speak now - indeed, I have no wish to speak at any time on this question, in the presence of the inflamed passions of a mob. I desire to address myself wholly and exclusively to the ear of Christian civilization. Gentlemen on the other side of the House may think this a light matter. I cannot view it in that light. I think, sir, it sustains intimate relations to the whole civilization of the country and the world. I hope Senators on the Republican side will present their views fully, and we will present ours. We are not afraid of the question, and hope they are not. I therefore trust the friends of the measure will agree to the reference - let them present their report, and we will present ours. I move to refer the resolution and the substitute, to the Committee on Federal Relations.
Mr. NILES said that the leading object in tha trial and punishment of criminals is the protection offered to the public. Without it society page: 39[View Page 39] would fall into chaos, and he thought that the greatest criminal of the centuries ought not to escape wirh impunity. The hanging of Mrs. Surratt had fixed an indelible stigma on female traitors and conspirators. The execution of Wirz, worthless as was his life, had erected a bulwark of protection around prisoners of war for all coming time. Davis was the embodied head of the only rebellion against freedom that the world has ever seen, and as a guarantee of peace and freedom in the future, he would try him as a traitor and, if convicted, would, as Mr. Johnson once told him in the Senate, hang him as a traitor.
Mr. COBB. Talking about this matter creates excitement in the minds of Senators, but not, so much as it would two months ago. While gentlemen cry out for the distruction of a certain class of people, and for carrying destruction to every family in a certain section of the country, they should recognize the fact that this kind of feeling is rapidly passing away. I thank God that I stand not as I stood in the Senate Chamber a short time ago, but that; now we can talk to a people that are beginning to reason again, notwithstanding I feel that. Senators have shown that they are controlled by passion rather than otherwise. And again, there was a time when a diversity of opinion prevailed in regard to capital punishment, and it would be well enough to look if that opinion is changed. For these and other reasons the motion of the Senator from Vigo [Mr. Hanne] is a good one. I have no doubt of the information I have received that Mr. Lincoln declared in divers conversations, of one of which I have no doubt, that he would not have Jeff. Davis executed; and he gave tha best reason for it I have yet heard. Mr. Lincoln said it would do no good, and much harm ; for the Southern people would turn find severally ask themselves: "Why am I not executed too?" It is a question more of public policy than possibly anything else. We have a distracted country yet, though the rebels in the South have submitted and are anxious to return, to their allegiance. Then it becomes a question what will best restore peace and quiet in the South, and produce that state of feeling which obtained at an earlier period? Now true and genuine statesmanship is demanded more than at any other time in the history of our country.
Mr. BENNETT (interrupting). I have listened to the gentlemen through two speeches, and now he is certainly not discussing the question.
Mr. THOMPSON. I hope the Senator will be permitted to go on, I think every Senator here should have a right to defend his friends. [Laughter.]
Mr. COBB. Complimentary, indeed! I thank the Senator from Marion for his compliment.
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. I believe other Senators have discussed the main question - the Senator from Lawrence will proceed.
Mr. COBB. As I was saying, I have no doubt, if Mr. Lincoln had lived until today, that there would have been a proclamation issued liberating all political peisoners.
Mr. DUNNING, (interposing.) I desire to ask the Senator, with whom was this conversation held? I have never heard of it before.
Mr. COBB, I will answer the Senator when I get ready. Although I don't know that I ought to make public a confidential conversation.
Mr. DUNNING. Then I withdraw the question.
Mr. CASON. No amount of discussion would change tho sentiment of any Senator here, and as no good can came by postponement, why refer this matter? I do not know of a single instance in which that arch traitor execised mercy toward any one. The hisory of the world shows no parallel for the crimes committed by the sanction of Jefferson Davis. He stands before the country not only as an arch traitor, but as one lost to all feelings of humanity. I spurn the idea that you can bring in humanity to bear upon the question of pardoning traitors. It may be policy to pardon the masses of them, but to the leaders little mercy should be shown.
Mr. VAN BUSKIRK. There seems to be a feeling that the main question shall be discussed, and I hope the matter will be referred, although I do not know that there is another Republican member in favor of it.
Mr. BENNETT I hope the resolution will not be referred. I think we are as well prepared to vote now as we will be at any other time. The Senator from Lawrence is all at once enamored of Mr. Lincoln and his merciful policy; although the Senator from Wells talks about the vindictiveness of the Republican party towards these rebels. If the Senator from Lawrence were to tell me that hee heard this conversation with Mr. Lincoln, I would give some consideration to it, and would want to cross-question him closely; but when he gives it in the vague style he does, I can not but question it. A few months ago these gentlemen were loud in their denunciation of military courts, and they demanded civil courts. This resolution offers that to them, and now they still want these rebels tried by these civil courts, but they don't want them punished. But there is one reason why I could wish Jeff. Davis pardoned. I do not wish to deprive gentleman of that party of the chance to nominate him for President in 1868 [Laughter.] They hava tried the soldier dodge and other dodges, and my notion is that, about 1868 they will come back to first principles, and run Jeff. Davis.
The motion was agreed to, by yeas 24, nays 23, as follows:
YEAS - Messrs. Barker, Bowman, Bradley, Brown, of Wells, Carson, Cobb, Corbin, Douglas, Dunning, English, Finch, Gifford, Hanna, Hord, Jenkins, Marshall, McClurg, Mason, Moore, Newlin, Staggs, Van Buskirk, Vawter, Williams - 24.
NAYS - Messrs. Allison, Beeson, Bennett, Bonham, Brown, of Hamilton, Cason, Chapman, Cullen, Culver, Davis, Dykes, Hyatt, Milligan, Niles, Noyes, Oyler, Reagan, Richmond, Terry, Thompson, Ward, Wright and Wood - 23.
Pending the roll call -
Mr. DUNNING, in explanation, said: I have a strong inclination to vote to refer this matter, for I have an exceeding curiosity - a great curiosity, indeed - to see the document that would be presented here from the minority of page: 40[View Page 40] the Committee on Federal Relations; and I do think I shall probably in this instance not vote with the body of my Republican friends, but vote for the reference to the Committee on Federal Relations. Although I am, like the Senator from Union - all the documents under heaven could not convince me I am wrong. I vote "aye."
So the resolution and substitute were referred to the Committee on Federal Relations.
NIAGARA SHIP CANAL.
Mr. CARSON introduced a joint resolution [S. No. 20] on the subject [in favor] of a ship canal around the falls of Niagara, connecting Lake Ontario with Lake Erie; which was read the first time and passed to the second reading.
GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.
Mr. BEESON offered the following:
Resolved, That two thousand copies of the Governor's message be printed for the use of the Senate, and eight thousand copies for the use of the Governor.
On motion by Mr. VAWTER, the resolution was referred to a special committee of three, with instructions to act in conjunction with a similar committee on the part of the House.
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR appointed Messrs. Vawter, Beeson and Dunning the committee on the part of the Senate.
STATIONERY.
On motion by Mr. CULLEN, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution reported this morning by the special Committee on Stationery.
Mr. BEESON moved to amend by striking out forty dollars and inserting twenty dollars in lieu thereof.
Mr. CULLEN made an ineffectual motion - yeas 13, nays 33 - to lay the amendment on the table.
The amendment was adopted by yeas, 44, nays 5.
On motion by Mr. COBB "ten dollars" was substituted for "twenty dollars," where it occurs with reference to the Secretaries.
On motion by Mr. BEESON the resolution was farther amended by striking out all that part relating to the receiving or drawing of money.
Mr. BENNETT moved to amend by striking out "sixty dollars" where it occurs and inserting "fifty dollars" and striking out "twenty dollars" and inserting "forty dollars."
The amendment was rejected.
The Senate then took a recess till 2 o'clock.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
On motion, by Mr. BENNETT, the resolution was farther amended by substituting the word "Secretaries" for "Principal Secretaries."
WHITE RIVER VALLEY CANAL.
On motion, by Mr. COBB, the previous order of business was suspended and the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill [H. R. No. 59] for an act to authorize railroad companies to occupy and use for railroad purposes the property of canal companies, with their consent, and to secure them in such occupation, &c.
The bill being read the third time -
Mr. BENNETT in explanation of his vote, said, that he occupied a peculiar position on this question. When he came into this body at the last session, he had never heard of the intention of constructing a railroad along the White River Canal. He only learned the fact, when the bill was introduced into the House, although he had been in all parts of the district during the campaign. He found upon examination of the journals of 1863, that his predecessor, a citizen of Fayette county, and well informed of all the rights of both the Canal and Railroad Company, and the wishes of the people in respect thereto, had voted against the same. He examined the bill closely, and did not like its provisions, because he saw that it conveyed to Mr. Lord, all the property, privileges and franchises or the canal, without requiring of him a single obligation in return. He is to pay nothing, and agrees to do nothing. He is not required to construct a road to any place, or at any time. Nor does he agree to protect the water power. He had then a consultation with Mr. Trusler, the member of the House. They agreed that their constituents were probably divided on the subject, and that they would divide the vote by Trusler voting for the bill in the House, he residing in Fayette, and that he, residing in Union, should vote against the bill in the Senate. About that time a remonstrance was sent here from Fayette county, signed by the leading men of the county, including the lessees of water power on the canal, asking that the bill be defeated.
Mr. Trussler, in pursuance of their understanding, voted for the bill in the House. But before the bill came up in the Senate, Mr. Trusler, who had been to Fayette county since his vote on the bill, moved in the House for permission to change his vote, alleging as a reason, that the people of Fayette county were earnestly opposed to the bill. Mr. Bennett then wrote to leading men of Fayette county to ascertain the wishes of the citizens, and in every case he was answered that they opposed the bill.
Then he thought his coarse was plainly indicated. His predecessor voted against it, the member of the House living in Fayette, voted against if the people of both counties hsd remonstrated against it; leading men had advised him to oppose it; his own convictions and judgment opposed the provisions of the bill; he had not heard a word in favor of it. Hence he opposed the bill with earnest convictions of duty, and thought he was fully representing the wishes of his constituents. But, suddenly the people became aroused, and held large and respsctable meetings on the sabject, and instructed him to vote for the bill. He promised in good faith to do so, with only a protest against its obnoxious provisions. But by a resoiution of a Republican caucus, it was resolved that, as the bill called the Morton Bill, had precedence on the calendar of the Sanate, no other bill should pass, until that bill passed. He considered himself bound by that resolution. He had been elected as a Republican, pledged to sustain the financial measures of Governor Morton, and he did not, nor would not again sacrifice such a great public measure, for any page: 41[View Page 41] private interest, even if that private interest was dear to his own people. Thus both bills were lost, neither party yielding their caucus resolutions. But he said when he went home he met his constituents in public, and explained his course, and they expressed themselves as fully satisfied with it, but desired him to vote for the bill, as they were anxious for the road. He did not like the bill yet, but he believed the road a great public benefit, and recognized the right of his constituents to instruct him on any such subjects, and he should represent their wishes on this floor, and vote for the bill.
Mr.CORBIN was opposed to the bill from the start. He thought there was danger in passing it without restrictions being placed in it. His objections to the bill still remained, and he would still vote against it.
The bill was then passed its final reading by yeas 38, nays 10 -
Pending the roll call -
Mr. BRADLEY (in explanation) said the legislation proposed by the bill was some what of a local character, and believing it to be the wish of a large majority of the people interested, he should vote aye.
Mr. NILES never doubted that a majority of the people interested desired this road, and it has always been his intention to favor tha bill whenever it should come to a vote.
Mr. THOMPSON. I voted apainst this bill when up before somewhat in opposition to my own convictions, but was influenced by the representatives from that district. Since that time my mind has undergone a change. The Lord himself knows - [laughter.] - the President of this railroad knows, I was in favor of his road, but owing to the determined opposition of some of the representatives from that section of the State I opposed the bill. Since then you, yourself, I believe, either at church - for we are both church members - or in the Senate here, or somewhere else, told me it was nothing but a damned old canal. [Laughter.]
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR [interrupting]. I will correct the Senator. I simply stated that in the opinion of some men fresh water is fit only to be dammed.
Mr THOMPSON. You thought they ought to have a railroad, and now to-day I will vote for it.
The result of the vote was then announced as above recorded.
And so the Bill passed.
RULES OF ORDER.
Mr. CASON, from the select committes thereon, reported sundry amendments to the rules that governed the Senate at the last session one of which fixes the daily session hours at 5 o'clock P. M., unless, on motion, the Senate adjourns to some other hour.
The report was concurred in.
On motion of Mr. Mason, it was
Ordered, That one hundred copies of the rules, as amended, be published for the use of the Senate.
RAILROADS.
Mr. OYLER (by leave) introduced a bill [S 206] for an act supplemental to an act to authorize regulate and confirm the sale of railroads, &c., approved March 3, 1855, and for the purpose of making the same more definite and certain, which was read the first time and passed to the second reading.
THOMAS D. MORE.
Mr. DUNNING offered the following:
Resolved, That Thomas D. Moore be allowed for services as Assistant Doorkeeper, in the organization of this session, the same compensation allowed to the principal doorkeeper for like services, and that the Auditor of State draw his warrant, &c.
On motion by Mr. BENNETT, the resolution was referred to the committee appointed to confirm the nomination of employes.
GAVIN & HORD'S STATUTES.
Mr. COBB offered the following:
Resolved, That the Docrkeeper be requested to procure fifty copies of Gavin & Herd's Statutes, and place one copy on the desk of the President of the Senate, and one copy on the desk of each Senator.
Several Senators proposed amendments; and it was finally settled and adopted, so that any Senator may draw a copy from the Librarian, and if not returned, it shall be charged to His stationery account excepting only the Senator from Henry [Mr. Reagan], who may retain his copy without charge.
Mr. CASON offered a resolution, which was adopted, instructing the Secretary to hand over all bills and resolutions on the files that were returned from committees without action.
OLD TREASURY BUILDING LOT.
Mr. NILES introduced a bill [S. 207] for an act in regard to lot No. 1, in block No. 68, in the city of Indianapolis, owned by the State. [It repeals so much of an act appointing commissioners to sell certain real estate, approved February 25, 1865, as authorises the sale of said lot ] Which was read the first time.
And then the Senate (at 4 o'clock, p. M ) adjourned (under the revised rules) till 2 o'clock P. M. to-morrow.
