HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, January 20, 1863.A resolution, by Mr. SHAFFER, proposing to raise a Committee to apportion the State for Congressional and legislative purposes, was adopted, after being amended, on Mr DONALDSON'S motion, by striking out all relative to Senatorial and Representative purposes.
A resolution, authorizing the special committee on Arbitrary Arrests to employ a clerk was adopted by yeas 61, nays 26.
RESOLUTIONS OF INQUIRY.
Addressed to appropriate committees, were offered, read and severally adopted, to-wit:
By Mr. WATERMAN, as to the reconstruction of judicial circuits.
By Mr. BUDD, as to amendments of the 14th and 15th sections of the common school law.
By Mr. MASON, with reference to further legislation compelling railroads to properly serve the public.
By Mr. DONALDSON, to report a bill at aa early day for the apportionment of the State for Senatorial and Representative purposes.
[Mr. MILROY offered a resolution, which lies on the table for one day, under the rules, requiring a vote of two-thirds to pass all resolutions relative to the state of the country.]
By Mr. WOOLLEN, relative to report as to fees and salaries.
By Mr. MUTZ, relative to mileage, the distance traveled by each member.
By Mr. MILLER, into the expediency of postponing the collection of mortgage to the Sinking Fund, the payment of interest excepted.
Mr. HIGGINS offered a concurrent resolution, which was adopted, by yeas 78, nays 6, appointing a committee of five on the part of each House, to report relative to re-printing the statutes, the supply for the use of the State having become exhausted.
SECRET POLITICAL SOCIETIES.
Mr. GREGORY offered a resolution, appointing a special committee of one from each Congressional District, to investigate with reference to disloyal secret societies in Indiana with power to send for persons and papers.
Mr. HARNEY wanted the resolution broad enough to cover the whole ground. Those with whom he acted had no fear of all such investigations.
Mr. BROWN did not believe that there were any such societies in existence. If there were, they certainly were not to be found in the political party he acted with. He was for investigation. He therefore moved to refer the resolution to a select committee of five.
Mr. GIVEN said the Legislature had already provided by law for bringing persons to justice guilty of disloyal practice. Any such investigation as was proposed was therefore unnecessary. He did not believe in the existence of any such societies as alleged. In Daviess county 400 witnesses had been examined by the Grand page: 62[View Page 62] Jury, and no one knew of such an organization.
Mr. GREGORY said, there were laws which punished illegal imprisonment, and courts and juries had jurisdiction. Yet the House had raised a committee to investigate the question of arbitrary arrests. It was extensively rumored that such societies did exist, and it was a matter of justice to the people of the State and to the party involved by the charge to investigate it. He had read the other day of a soldier whose life was periled by his own confession of the existence of such a society. There is evidently some truth in the allegation on this point.
Mr. ROBERTS asked the gentleman from Warren, (Mr. Gregory)--who now insisted on full investigation on all subjects--if he voted for the resolutions for investigation as to arbitrary arrests, introduced by the gentleman from Jackson? (Mr. Brown.)
Mr. GREGORY. Perhaps I voted "no" at that time.
Mr. SPENCER opposed the resolution. It was entirely unnecessary.
Mr. VAN BUSKIRK urged its adoption. It was a matter of common rumor that such societies existed--that they were demoralizing the army--that they opposed the government and the war. If he were one of the persons affiliated politically with those lying under these imputations he would demand the investigation proposed.
Mr. BROWN. Is not the common rumor the gentleman speaks of confined to the newspapers of the Abolition party?
Mr. VAN BUSKIRK had seen such reports in the papers. Every member who voted for the gentleman's (Mr. Brown.) resolution raising a Committee to investigate alleged causes of arbitrary arrests should certainly vote for this resolution also-- He argued the necessity for the absolute safety of the country that the secret matter of these societies should be ferreted out.
Mr. PRIEST knew the investigation would be fruitless. He had been mixed up with know-nothingism, and knew that whatever you asked a member of the order if he knew of it. he "knew nothing about it." So it will be in this case. He would not vote to go into a fruitless investigation, which might cost the State $50,000, If traitorous societies exist, the investigation will amount to nothing. Men who have banded together for treasonable purposes will swear to lies as fast as you bring them up as witnesses.
Mr ROBERTS. I do not propose, Mr. Speaker, to enter into an extended examination of the merits of the resolution offered by the gentleman from Warren. (Mr. Gregory,) but the debate has suggested a few ideas to my mind, which I thought I would offer for the consideration of the House.
The other day, when the gentleman from Boone and Hendricks, (Mr. Cason.) offered a resolution of a character similar to this--proposing to investigate the question whether secret political societies did exist, in this State, or not--I voted in the negative, and I will give you my reasons why I did so.
In the first place, Sir, the resolution presented by my friend from Boone and Hendricks, (Mr. Cason.) and the one by the venerable gentleman over the way, (Mr. Gregory,) are precisely of the same character. They assert no fact. They are both founded on rumor or report The resolution under consideration simply asserts that it is reported that certain secret societies exist, having in view certain purposes. It is a report then, a rumor and not a fact. Adopt the policy which the friends of this proposition propose, and where would investigation end? Sir, our time would be exclusively occupied, until the end of the session, in pursuing such frivolous investigations, to the exclusion, of other business of more importance to the people. Such, Sir, would be the inevitable result.
But, my friend from Decatur, (Mr. Van Buskirk)says that every member who supported the resolutions of the gentleman from Jackson. (Mr. Brown,) if he would be consistent should also support the resolution being considered. I think otherwise. The difference between the resolutions of the gentleman from Jackson, (Mr. Brown,) and the one presented by the gentleman from Warren. (Mr. Gregory.) is very distinct and clear. Let us see. As I have already stated, the demand made for a committee of investigation in the resolution of the gentleman from Warren, is founded on rumor, or report, while the demand for a committee, as presented in the resolutions of the gentleman from Jackson, is founded on facts that are patent to the whole country.
Is it not well known that the rights of many citizens, of many loyal men, if you please, have been trampled down by illegal and arbitrary arrests? Certainly. The resolutions of the gentleman from Jackson declare those facts in the most positive terms, and we propose to proceed with the investigation m view of that understanding. But pot so with the resolution being sustained by the gentleman from Decatur, (Mr. Van Buskirk.) No fact is asserted in it. Sir, until the friends of this resolution discover facts sufficient to enable them to declare boldly, and in positive terms, without equivocation, the existence of a society that has in view the destruction of the Government, or some other treasonable purpose, I will not vote to raise a committee to inquire into the matter. To raise such a committee under existing circumstances, would be equivalent to branding a large portion of the page: 63[View Page 63] people of this State with disloyalty, which i am not willing to do, because it would be unjust. The people of this State are loyal--there no traitors among them, unless they are to be found in the ranks of the Abolition party.
Mr. KENDRICK (interrupting.) Was the resolution of the gentleman from Jackson, (Mr. Brown.) based upon rumor, or upon fact?
Mr. ROBERTS. Upon facts, as the gentleman very well knows. But I am speaking now of the pending resolution. Mr. Speaker, I would here take occasion to pay that there is another tribunal in this State which, with more propriety, can take cognizance of such things. In this city there is a Court sitting, the highest known to the laws--the District Court of the United States--with a Grand Jury attached to it, whose duty is to investigate such things. They can an arrest, convict and punish. We, as a legislative body can do neither. Now, sir, if say friends from Warren and Decatur know that such societies exist, why do they not go before the Grand Jury and make complaint? What do they here? I think, sir, it would look better in them--it would give us more confidence in their sincerity--were they to go before the Grand Jury and make complaint, instead of demanding of this body the investigation of a rumor. If they believe their own words--if they believe such societies do exist--I bid them, in God's name, go, and go quickly, before that Jury, and make their grievances known. If I believed them myself, I would go before that tribunal this hour with a catalogue of the names of those whom I suspected of possessing a knowledge of such a society, and in the name of Indiana would demand a thorough, searching investigation.
But, Mr. Speaker, I do not believe any good can result from such an investigation as is proposed by the friends of the pending resolution. Indeed, it might do great harm; in my opinion it would result in harm. The rebels of the South would hear of it, and it would build up the hope in them that they have many allies in the North who are ready to give them aid and comfort. For this reason alone, I would be inclined to vote against the resolution. But, sir, I do insist, aside from this, that if we are to have an investigation at all, it must be by virtue of a resolution that asserts a positive fact. Let them so shape their resolution, and I will give it my support. But this they will not do. They dare not do it for truth's sake. Therefore, I must believe that all this is for "buncombe."
In conclusion Mr. Speaker, allow me to say that with all ray heart I detest secret political societies. There is nothing manly about them. They have never accomplished any good; but, on the contrary, they have done much harm, In a republic, where free discussion is tolerated, there can be no necessity for their existence.
In 1854, though but a boy. I opposed the Know Nothing organization with all my energy; and had not the people risen up in their might against it, its history would have been as bloody as the history of the Jacobins of France. And here, sir, I would remark, that while the gentlemen of the opposition appear now to be frightened out of their wits, in contemplating, as I believe, an imaginary organization, the majority, if not all of them, were members of the Know Nothing society in 1854. Did they then propose to investigate Know Nothingism? No, sir. But, on the contrary, wherever they had control of the Legislative bodies of the country, they were constantly appointing "smelling committees" to inquire into other people's business. What consistency! How dare they talk of it!
But, I return to the point from which I have digressed. If there is such a society, as the gentlemen from Warren and Decatur speak of, I devoutly hope it will be of but short duration. It should not continue for a day. Every loyal man should, and will, frown upon it. I care not what name it may bear--whether it be called Know Nothings, Knights of the Golden Circle, or anything else--it must and will be crushed out. Let men who combine to accomplish certain purposes write their sentiments on the outer walls, that the people may behold them, and then, if they be good, the people will approve. But do not go into the dark to make known your purposes, for Virtue seeks the light of day that she may be known of all men.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I repeat, that the friends of this measure design only to manufacture a little political capital to save their sinking ship. They see that the wrath of the people is concentrating upon them, and unless something is done to avert the impending storm, they will receive, as they, deserve, the just condemnation of every loyal citizen. Our prayer is, that when the abolition craft goes to the bottom, as she inevitably will, that she may not drag our glorious ship of State after her into the vortex that she creates in her descent.
Mr. ABBOTT was in favor of an investigation, but before the judicial tribunals. In his county (Bartholomew) where it had been said that such societies existed, the matter had been thoroughly investigated. He had the honor of being one of the grand jury before whom a cloud of witnesses were brought who had gone all over the county and asserted that they knew of their own personal knowledge of the existence of such societies, and they swore with an uplifted hand that they knew nothing about it.
page: 64[View Page 64]Mr. PACKARD thought the resolution ought to go to the Committee on Federal Relations, and he so moved in amendment. He didn't care for investigation. His party needed no vindication, and didn't ask it at the hands of the other party.
Mr. KENDRICK would base the investigation on facts. Not, only was there the case of the soldier referred to, but gentlemen not of the Union party, residents of this city, had been invited to join such a society. He was opposed to all "submarine" societies.
Mr. GRIFFITH favored the adoption of the resolution.
Mr. BROWN accepted the amendment referring the resolution to the Committee on Federal Relations, and said that he was opposed to raising any such committee. The resolution was not founded up-on common rumor, in his opinion, but upon particular rumor, originating with the Abolition Indianapolis Journal, the editor of which has admitted before a grand Jury that he drew upon his imagination for his facts. He was opposed to insulting the loyal and great people of the State by investigations based upon the malignant charges of corrupt and malevolent Abolition leaders, who themselves were stalking forth in corruption. The findings of the Indianapolis Journal and of an Abolition Grand Jury, sworn not to reveal what was divulged before them, were not matters upon which we would act in the regard. He challenged gentlemen to bring one fact, beyond the false sycophantic and malignant assertions of some man hanging on the skirts of the Abolition party, to show the existence of disloyal associations in Indiana. If the committee reported in favor of the resolution, he would battle against its adoption till the last day of the session.
On motion of Mr. BUSKIRK. (Mr. Packard in the chair,) the further consideration of the subject was postponed until 3 p.m.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Mr. BROWN, from a select committee to wait on the Governor, to ascertain when his Excellency would deliver his annual message to the General Assembly, submitted a communication from that functionary declining to act further in the matter. He had, he conceived, transmitted his message regularly.
On motion by Mr. BROWN, the report and communication was laid on the table.
NEW PROPOSITION.
Mr. ABBOTT introduced a bill, [61] amending section 33 of the act providing for the valuation and appraisement of real and personal property, &c., approved June 1, 1852, which was read the first time and passed to the second reading.
SECRET POLITICAL SOCIETIES.
The special order for 3 o'clock, (Mr. Gregory's resolution.) coming up--
Mr. BUSKIRK (Mr. Packard in the chair) said: In the discussion which took place this morning, gentlemen belonging to the opposition seemed to take it for granted that there were secret political organizations in Indiana, and that those organizations were in some way connected with the Democratic party.
As to the first point he had no knowledge. He could not say whether there were secret societies in the State or not. But as to the second supposition, viz., that these societies were connected with the Democratic party, and that that party, was responsible for them, he could speak emphatically in denial. Every principle, every instinct of the Democratic party repudiated any and all association with secret political associations for any and all purposes. That party had repudiated and overthrown Know Nothingism. That party, in its State, county and township conventions had again and again denounced such organizations. He was not prepared to say that there were not such societies or that members of the Democratic party did not belong to them, but he vindicated the Democratic party as a party from all endorsement of or responsibility for them. Repeatedly, as he had said, had that party denounced officially such societies. But he knew of no instance in which the People's. Republican, Anti Lecompton, or Union parties had in their public conventions repudiated them.
He doubted whether the subject of the resolution was a proper matter for legislative action; however, he would vote to send it to the Committee on Federal Relations. He would be plain with his Republican friends. It was a principle settled by the Republican majority of the last Legislature, that the majority should have the right of forming all committee of investigation. Therefore, if the committee should report in favor of the resolution, he should vote against it, because under Parliamentary law, its mover would become the chairman thereof. We, the majority on this floor, have the right to the Chairman and to manage and control the investigation.
Again, the resolution was not comprehensive enough. He had reason to believe--nay, he might go a step further and say he knew--that secret political associations were being formed in every town ship in the State by gentlemen who were instructed from the capital, where the order originated, by persons standing very high in the Republican party. He wanted a resolution broad and comprehensive enough to include these associations these Republican secret political associations.
page: 65[View Page 65]Mr. VAN BUSKIRK argued in favor of the resolution. He would favor the most rigid and searching investigation; he wanted, for the sake of the country he loved and the Government he cherished, traitors ferreted out and brought to punishment. Who was to be harmed, but traitors, by such an investigation? Gentlemen whose skirts are clear ought to court the investigation. He, in reply to the gentleman from Dearborn, (Mr. Roberts,) said that of his own knowledge he knew of sufficient facts on which to base the resolution and to demand the proposed investigation. He quoted extracts from the Cincinnati Enquirer of the 19th to show that neither the principles or instincts of the Democratic party forbade them to organize secret societies, and that it guardedly admitted their existence in this State. The course of that party in prosecuting the investigation of military arrests, and shunning this investigation was not, consistent.
Mr. BUSKIRK in reply to the gentleman from Decatur, (Mr. Van Buskirk,) declared the purpose of the majority to be to hold every officer, civil and military, to the strictest accountability for every illegal arrest which had been made in Indiana. (Applause.)
Mr. ATKISON would leave the matter to the courts.
Mr. BROWN did not propose to be convicted on Abolition testimony, as to the designs of the societies referred to by the Cincinnati Enquirer. He challenged the proof from Democratic sources, that such societies existed. He did not propose to stand here and be catechised concerning rumors set afloat by Abolition sheets and demagogues. He did not deny that, as the Enquirer had said, there were societies of as good and loyal men as ever trod the soil of this noble State, banded together for mutual protection; who had resolved that they would spill the last drop of their heart's blood, rather than that their friends should be torn from their midst by arbitrary arrests. Their object was self-protection not treason nor the demoralization of the army; for when tyrants and despots invade the threshold of civil liberty, the people will take the matter into their own hands to make those tyrants and cowards bite the dust. These men had declared that the outrages upon the citizen by this corrupt and infamous administration must stop. But where was the proof that these men were associated for the purpose of overthrowing the Constitution and the Government ot the country? Where was this proof? You had none but that furnished by your lying abolition sheets and your lying abolition demagogues.
Mr. HANNA spoke in bitter denunciation of such secret political associations as the Know Nothing organization, to which most of the gentlemen advocating the resolution had belonged. He paid a glorious tribute to the unswerving fidelity of the Democratic party to the Constitution and the Union. He was for referring the resolution.
Mr. MORGAN argued in favor of the resolution.
