IN SENATE.
SATURDAY, March 7, 1863.The hour of 9 o'clock being the time named for the consideration of the majority report of the Committee on Federal Relations, in response to the memorials from the army
Mr. MARCH presented the minority report from the same committee, which was read. He said that it had been proposed on a former day to print a large number of copies of the majority report. It was in most part a political document, and there was no reason why any political document should be printed at the State's expense He doubted the policy of circulating such documents among the soldiers. If controversy or bitterness of feeling existed in the army, it would only serve to increase it. There was no necessity for the Senate's vindicating itself. It should be judged by its own acts. But if the Senate should determine to print the majority report, he should insist that the minority be printed also.
Mr. WOLFE had no objection to printing the minority report. It was a gentle backing down of the Republican party from the charges made against the Democratic party. It was as good as could be expected of a political or partisan document. It was couched in respectful language, and probably arrived at the same conclusion with that of the majority report. The latter report defends the Democratic party from charges of disloyalty, while the minority is a defence of the course of the party that contributed to give publicity to those charges. He did not think the circulation of these documents would have any bad effect. On the contrary, both reports would go to show the utter untruth of the imputations cast upon the Legislature.
Mr. HORD. It seems that these resolutions gotten up by the army are directed exclusively to the Democratic party on this floor. Senators over the way, when they were introduced, said they were not directed to them. Then I say it is due to the dominant party to respond to them.--These gentleman who introduced the minority report have responded to resolutions not directed to them. Then why print their report? Why subject the State to the expense of vindicating themselves when no charge is brought against them? I say it is useless, but I do hold, as the majority are accused of high crimes, that it is necessary to print the majority report, which is a complete vindication of the charges brought against them.
And now, Mr. President, I shall beg indulgence a very brief space of time for the purpose of succinctly stating my views on a few of the political questions engaging public attention. Every citizen in the land, whether he pursues life in an humble and obscure way, or whether lifted up on the pedestal of power and fame, feels deeply interested in the current of events around him. The torch of discord and civil war now lights up the broad land, and the place dedicated by our fathers to freedom and a common friendship is changed to a field of bloodshed and carnage--a war the most bloody and desperate the heavens ever looked upon since the morning stars first sang together: involving the existence of the freest and grandest Government that ever honored the wisdom of men. From thirteen Colonies that nestled on the Atlantic Coast we had grown with strange haste until our country's banner stretched from the Lakes to the Gulf,and from the rising to the setting sun; and, take it all in all, it seemed that nature had framed us for one affection, one progress, and one hope--having reciprocal interests, and bound together in bonds of friendship as by hooks of steel. But alas, sir, the fiend has crept into the Garden of Eden, and destroyed the paradise we once enjoyed. That fiend that has mocked at our happiness, that has beguiled us into contentions, and undermined our country, is nothing more nor less than Slavery Agitation. When the Constitution of the American people was made, twelve of the States then composing the Union held slaves, and that Constitution was so constructed that it left each State to rule its domestic matters as suited its discretion; such powers not granted to the General Government being reserved to the States respectively. Some of the States freed themselves from the burden of slavery by a system of emancipation, whilst others have retained the institution to the present time, and the Government, though part slave and part free, has traversed its prosperous course shedding upon every one all that was delectable in Government.
I do not stand here the apologist of slavery--to vindicate the propriety of shackles upon any human being, but I do, sir, pretend to vindicate the doctrine founded on a peaceful and prosperous experience, that free and slave States can exist together, under one and the same Constitution, under one flag, and in one Union; and the Democratic party, that possessed the helm of State from the beginning of the Government up to the year 1861, almost uninterruptedly, held to this constitutional view of our political questions, and by it the olive branch has been kept alive, peace has shed its selectest influences, and men and earth gave signs of gratulation. The Constitution, like a great solar system; the States, like planets, depended upon and drew life and power from it; and any interference of one with the other, drives each from its orbit, and political chaos must inevitably follow, until God shall create men with different tastes and passions.
page: 227[View Page 227]We have a party in this country that does not believe this Union can exist part slave and part free; and that party since the year 1856 has grown great in its dimensions, and now possesses that helm of Government. There is nothing inherent in slavery itself to make it inconsistent with existence of the Union, but it appears there is something in its agitation. The agitation of the slavery question has created hostile feelings in both sections of the country, and from these seeds has sprung war.
But why speak of the past? Our misfortunes are heavy on our backs and they seem to thicken liked the sands of the sea. Let us turn our eyes to our stricken country, and see if we can lift the cloud that obscures us, and with our hand and reason give aid to our cause. I would love, sir, to see this country united and peaceable once more; but believing the policy that dictated the radical measures of the past Congress, and the President's proclamation, was not the safest for the country, I certainly cannot concur in them. Time has already tested the worth of the Presidential edict. In the first campaign of this war the leaders of the rebellion could only raise 300,000 men with whom to execute their madness against the Government, and with 500,000 men we overthrew the enemy, and possessed nearly all of the Southern soil. When the war commenced the North was a united people, and the South was divided in its sentiment. Some Southern men still clung to the folds of their country's flag for existence and protection, but after the radical measures of Congress, and the President's proclamation, the Southern army immediately increased to 700,000, and it took a million of our valiant boys to hold what 500,000 had conquered. These measures solidified the South. Instead of emasculating the rebellion, they have armed and intensified it.
I do not esteem the policy of the measure to arms the negroes of
the South. Not, sir, that I abstractedly object to negroes
aiding to restore the Union, for I would hitch the devil to the
Chariot of the Union, if he could drag it safely from the flames
of this discord uninjured, but I believe it, sir, impolitic.
This measure authorizes the recruiting officer to go into
Kentucky, and take the negro of the loyal master. Would this
perpetuate a Union sentiment in the South? A man loves his
Government in proportion as he is protected by it. It is our
duty to serve the loyal man, and give him an argument, in the
protection he shall receive but I believe, sir, this measure
will alienate the loyal sentiment in a country where we need it.
We gain more for our cause in nerving the strong arm of the
white man in the border States by pacific measures towards them,
than by driving them from us in arming slaves whose spirits have
been dastardized by long servitude; and it appears that in some
localities our soldiers have mutinied on account of the
employment of negro soldiers. Let us as a nation be politic and
wise, but the Republican party have great confidence in the
measure. They esteem the negro as one of the ordained
instruments of protection. I advise them against such a delusive
and fallacious hope. With them
"There is a poor,
blind Samson in the land,
Shorn of his strength and bound
by bonds of steel,
Who may, in some grim revel lift his
hand,
And shake the pillars of the Southern weal,
Till the vast temple of their
liberties
A shapeless mass of wreck and rubbish
lies."
Let us, sir, in this dreadful state of things, adopt the means by
which the greatest good can be attained. There is statesmanship
in war as well as in peace. But when shall this contest cease?
When shall grim-visaged war smooth his wrinkled front ? We have
had an uninterrupted clash of arms for two years past without
knowing whether these multiplied troubles could be compromised
in any way suitable to the interest and dignity of both
sections. This sad havoc could have been stayed on the
principles of the Crittenden Compromise before our troubles
culminated in war; and when the State of Virginia called for a
Peace Congress the States then could have stayed its red right
hand by proper adjustment, but the Congress of the United States
would not listen to the voice of compromise; no terms of
pacification could find responsive pulsations in their hearts.
Ah! reason had reeled from its throne, and madness ruled. Then
let some measures be had to discover whether the rebellious
States are willing to accede now to terms of honorable
settlement in one Union, contented with a common destiny; with
the Constitution as a shield to life, liberty and estate. If
they yield to proper terms, then we have an end to sad
calamities. If not, our course will create division in the
South, because men will not fight for rebellion when proper
terms of adjustment have been offered and refused. Then, with a
united North and a divided South, we have a surer pathway to
success, for
"Thrice is he armed who hath his
quarrel just,
And he but naked, though locked up in steel,
Whose heart with injustice is corrupted."
But I regret that I cannot put trust in a the Administration of the party in power. While it has been impotent in its efforts to restore the country, it has been encroaching on the liberties of the people. It has arrested men without warrant, refused them the writ of habeas corpus--that great muniment of human liberty--refused them a trial, and held them without charging them with crime to pine and rot in filthy prisons; and all this, sir, when the Courts were open, and all crime against the Government could be properly punished, if any crime had been committed. And the Congress of the United page: 228[View Page 228] States, truculent and obsequious, has passed laws indemnifying the President for his unconstitutional conduct in making false arrest and imprisonment of American citizens. It has also put the money-making power in his hands, and passed a conscription bill that totally obliterates State lines; assails the reserved rights and sovereignty of the States; putting the whole militia of the States in the President's hands, subject to his own control, without the intervention of State authorities, and making his will the scope of justice to all who exist within the shadow of his power. Here is a basis for tyranny. A union of the purse and the sword in the same hands, the separation of which has been the pride and glory of our past history, and the object of every wise Government that seeks the protection of the liberty of its citizens.
It is useless to be oblivious to the truth. Our form of government is being changed by the party in power. It is centralizing power in the hands of a few. If the war continues much longer on the policy adopted by the Administration, with its disregard of the Constitution and the laws of the country, I have fears for the liberty of the people, and we may well have visions of a Cromwell, Dictators, and a tyranny in the future.
But I hope, sir, that the banner of our country, carried by our gallant soldiers through the red baptism of blood to victory, may wave over a free and united country, and "that all the clouds that lower upon us may be buried in the deep bosom of the ocean, our bruised arms hung up for monuments, our stern alarums changed to merry meetings, and dreadful marches to delightful measures."
Mr. MELLETT. I know it is a common thing for the Democratic party to say that the Government is made for the benefit of the white man exclusively, but I think my friend from Bartholomew [Mr. Hord] is progressing a step further. I have no doubt my friend believes that the Government is made for the entire benefit and use of the Democratic party and nobody else. In effect he says that the people--the Abolotionists in my district, who he holds have no right that Democrats are bound to respect--are to pay taxes to publish his vindication to the soldiers, and have no right to hear from our side of the House. He says he wants to be vindicated. I think he has vindicated himself. I believe he offered a resolution proposing to resist the conscription act. Our soldiers have said a man that would do that is not loyal. And yesterday he voted against a resolution declaring in favor of an armistice. Upon the record my friend stands condemned; doubly condemned.--I am not surprised that he don't want anybody else to say something about his record. But he will learn before his head gets gray that there is something else in the United States besides the Democratic party. Now my advice is to be not quite so radical, and come to the conclusion that even the Democratic party may not always succeed; that there is something good outside of the party; that fair dealing is always right in all cases, and if the people are to be taxed for printing a report made by one half of the Senate, they should pay for printing the report of the other half. But I do not care one farthing whether you print our report or not; it makes no difference to me personally. We can print it ourselves. This little Republican party--this contemptible Abolition party-- have more papers, more types, more brains, and more printing presses than you--infinitely more. We double you in printing presses and have always done it. Go anywhere and you will find the Republicans always have more type and printing presses than the Democrats. Now if you don't want to print our report, don't do it.
Mr. DOUGLASS. At the very opening of this session the two political parties of which this body is composed commenced a contest of railing against each other. It has been pretty well kept up, and I find in all probability that the session will close with it. However that may be, let me say, Mr. President, that the Republicans on the very first day intimated that they had suspicions against the Democratic portion as to their loyalty. They have carried it out in their every act, and their every step, and in every word spoken in this body. Their speeches made in the city of Indianapolis contain direct reference to the Democratic portion of the Legislature, in which they have denounced us. Their denunciations have been published in their papers and sent to the army, and this is why these resolutions have come up from the army. This is the reason why Democrats in this body have been assailed as they have, and this is the reason why the majority of the Committee on Federal Relations have made the Report they have to set ourselves right as true and loyal men. Even Republican members upon this floor have said they did not doubt but that we were loyal men, and that they did not supposed there was a disloyal man in this branch, and I believe in the Legislature entire; yet when we set forth in our answer that this body have no disloyal views to carry out; when we wish to disabuse the minds of the soldiers in the army, they oppose it. They don't wish to have their minds disabused. They would rather have the army think the Democracy were disloyal than to have them think the Democracy were loyal.
You are opposed to political extremes, and you are stirring them up eternally; and when the Democracy make any attempt towards setting the soldiers right upon this matter, you are opposed to that. page: 229[View Page 229] You are afraid the army will have faith and confidence in the Democratic party, and you are working might and main against it. You would rather have the army under the conviction that the Democratic portion of the North were disloyal to a man. You are jealous of the Democratic party. When a Democrat volunteers, you are jealous of it; and when a Democrat makes a speech to the army you are jealous of it. You want to have it all in your own hands--in your own power,--and even now I see when we attempt to set ourselves right you are opposed to it.I am opposed to that minority report from the fact that it contains sentiments which I cannot endorse. If it is printed let it be printed as a document. If it is printed let it be printed merely out of courtesy; but I want the majority report sent to the army, that they may see--that they may know for themselves that the Democracy are not disloyal, but that they are ready and willing to stand up for that unity of Government--the Union--the entire Union.
When we say we are opposed to a Northwestern Confederacy then again you are jealous. There has not been an individual on this floor who has intimated that he was in favor of a Northwestern Confederacy. Then why not have unity in the Legislature and let the army know we are united, as far as the Union is concerned and as far as the Constitution is concerned?
The gentleman from Henry [Mr. Mellett] says they have more type and presses and papers than we. Yes, well may he say it; and in a short time they will have all of them, for they are demolishing Democratic presses one after another until bye and bye we will not have a Democratic press left us. Saturday night Samuel Medary's press went down--one after another they are blotted, out by this loyal party.
Mr. CLAYPOOL. I trust we will adjourn with the kindliest feelings, one for another. The minority are willing that the majority report shall go to the army, but we want the privilege of sending along with it another love letter; for I confess I never read a document from the time I was twelve years of age till the present time that was so much fashioned after the love letters printed in the little books entitled "Letter Writers." It is said that the army is composed of a large number of Democrats, and are we not to woo them? Another thing, if this army is, composed rank and file of Democrats. I want to know who it was that mobbed the printing office of Sam. Medary? Who tore down a printing press in Eastern Indiana, if they are all Democrats? Now I do not believe everything the Senator said. I believe there are Democrats in the army, and loyal Democrats on this floor and throughout this whole country; and no one thing on this earth could afford me more consolation than to know that parties North and South were one in their loyalty to this Union, that they were one in their devotion to the flag of their country; and I shall say no word nor do no act to deprive either party in the North from coming to that conclusion; and I shall say no word nor do no act that will prevent both parties sending to the army such a consoling thought. Then let us send these love letters to the army, and let them read and understand and believe that we are truly loyal in the North. I know the chairman of the minority, who drafted that minority report, carefully avoided any allusion to that party that was calculated to cause an unjust suspicion, and if there was in that report any such insinuation, I would not sanction that report, although I might say it was true; but I do not believe it is true. Do you want to send out a statement of the Democratic party at the public expense, and refuse to let the Republican party be heard? That would bo unkind. There are things in the majority report I know Republicans subscribe to, and things in the minority report which Democrats subscribe to. I believe the Democratic party as a party is loyal, but before sixty days it will be still more loyal. I believe those not willing to offer up their rights for their country will be denounced from one end of this land to the other. The finger of scorn should be pointed at them. But let us adjourn in peace, and with glad words to the soldiers that the North is a unit for the maintenance of the Union of the States unbroken-- the old Union undivided--that while it may be true we disagree with reference to the proclamation of emancipation, we believe the Union must and shall be preserved. Let it be understood that there is not upon the floor of this Senate a Senator who is not willing to forego all his interests here, and I might say hereafter, for the maintenance intact add unbroken of the Union of these States.
Mr. BROWN, of Wells. The Senator from Henry [Mr. Mellett] enlightened us on one point that I was not aware of. He is a gentleman of great age and experience, and takes it upon himself to advise young Senators upon this floor, as if he were the embodyment of wisdom. He gives us a piece of information, viz: that, the Abolition party possesses more brains than the Democratic party.
Mr. BROWN, of Randolph, (in his seat.) Do you doubt it?
Mr. BROWN of Wells. Yes sir, I do; but it is a good joke on brains if it is so. But I wish to invite the attention of the Senate to the assertions and charges made against me because of my humble efforts in this Senate Chamber in behalf of peace, A great cry came up from the people to me,--it came up to this General Assem- page: 230[View Page 230]bly--asking, for the sake of humanity, to do something to stop this bloody and desolating war. In response to that cry I introduced resolutions into this Senate proposing an armistice and a peace convention. This has brought down upon me denunciations from the press, from the hustings, from the pulpit and from the other end of the capitol. It has also brought denunciations from the army in the field--I won't say from the soldiers. In the other end of the capitol a gentleman whose name itself suggests to me the idea of murder and other horrible kinds of things, has assailed me and called me a traitor--except I lack the intention; and upon last Sabbath, sir, in one of the pulpits of this city I was indirectly assailed as a traitor to my country. Now let me say to every Senator upon this floor, and let it go forth to the country, that there is no man on top of the earth who loves his country more than I do; and, sir, if I believed that by prosecuting this war, the rebellion could be stopped I would go tomorrow--I would be ready to enlist with the Senator from Fayette and go to the field to morrow to fight for that purpose. But there is an honest conviction in my heart that this war can never accomplish the purpose which they or I design. The only difference between us then is as to the means we would use; similar to the difference between the religious sects both desiring to go to heaven--both desiring to secure for themselves the blessings of a hereafter--yet each pursuing different means and bearing in different channels for the accomplishment of the same purpose. So I stand side by side with the Senator from Fayette or any other Senator, hoping that the country may yet enjoy the blessings it has heretofore enjoyed.
Those resolutions of mine have been denounced in the same spirit that the Hartford Convention was denounced. Now I desire to say that there is this difference between that Convention and the Convention I propose. That was an assembly of the representatives of but a portion of the States--the New England States, in a time of war against the government by a foreign power; while this would be an assembling of 3/4ths of the States of the entire Union in times of civil war. That was a secret body; and the Convention I propose is one open to the scrutiny and observation of the whole world. That was held with the view of taking the States to a foreign power, while the Convention I propose is one to restore the Union with the dignity of the several States unimpaired.
The proposition I introduced is not without precedent. Early in the history of this rebellion there came from Virginia and North Carolina a proposition to the various States which composed the Confederacy, for a Convention of States to take into consideration the impending difficulties; but I find no where is that Convention condemned as traitorous or treasonable. No longer ago than in 1861. Virginia proposed a peace Convention, and that was not denounced as a treasonable convention. Indeed, but the other day in the halls of Congress an honorable member of the Republican party proposed a cessation of hostilities and a separation of our glorious Union. It was Mr. Conway, of Kansas.
Mr. CLAYPOOL (interrupting.) Conway is not now in that party. We denounce him.
Mr. BROWN. I looked in vain for memorials to come up from the army denouncing him. I have read the proceedings of Congress, too, without finding any of the members on either side of the House denouncing Mr. Conway as a traitor to his country, or making any insinuations against that gentleman's loyalty, such as has been made against me by members of this Legislature. Then what is the conclusion I come to from these facts? I come to the conclusion that the army can endorse the principles of men who look to a dissolution of the Union, while they do not endorse the sentiments and principles of a man who looks to a cessation of hostilities with a view of restoring the country to its former glory. If, sir, to be loyal is to favor a cessation of hostilities with a view to the dissolution of this Union, I do not wish to be loyal; and if it is to be a traitor to my country to propose a cessation of hostilities with a view to restoring the Union with all its dignity, equality and rights unimpaired, then, sir, let the word be written upon my brow, and I will wear it proudly there. What, a traitor, when I would use my every effort for the purpose of restoring our country to its former position among the nations of the earth? Why, our honorable representative under the last Administration to the Sandwich Islands, gives me to understand that our country is ridiculed there as nation. He says there 19 out of 20 are in favor of the South, [consent.] and yet when I would propose to restore this Union, under the Constitution, with all its dignity, equality and rights unimpaired, I am denounced as a traitor.
Gentlemen say they are ready to vote the last dollar and give the last man in the prosecution of this war. When I heard an honorable gentleman on this floor make a remark similar to that, the other day, there was brought to my mind a duel said to have been fought on the bolder of Texas between two men placed in a dark room each with pistols and with knives, and they locked up and left to hack each other until death ensued. Now that is just the result. I expect nothing else. What is the experience of the last two years? It has been asserted that after two years page: 231[View Page 231]hard fighting throughout the entire country from the Atlantic to the Mississippi our army has succeeded in advancing four feet. Now with that fact--which may be exaggerated, though it smacks something of the truth--staring us in the very face, who will attempt to say where is the remedy for the evils existing in our country? If we prosecute this war, as it is being carried on now, it must result in the destruction of both sections.
In conclusion, I desire to say, that when any man charges me with being a traitor to my country, he may do it through mistake; but, sir, if he reiterates that charge, after he has heard me to-day, then sir, I shall regard him as a falsifier, and if he reiterates the charge I shall brand him as a liar. I, sir, know my own heart best, and know to what tune its impulses keep time:--it is to the music of the Union, one and inseparable, now and forever. Not a Union such as gentlemen of the opposition would have, with the rights of the States obliterated; not such a Union as their members of Congress have praised, blotting out State lines and rights; but a Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired. That is the kind of Union I favor.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I would ask the Senator by what means he will obtain it?
Mr. BROWN. I propose to obtain it by peaceable means--a cessation of hostilities--by compromise. Why, suppose you raise armies in the North sufficiently strong to over run the South, you don't restore the old Union, never. You can't enforce the Constitution; you will require a new Constitution--a Constitution sir, which requires force of arms.
Mr. CLAYPOOL. In the event the proposed Convention could not agree, what would then be the course of the Senator from Wells?
Mr. BROWN, of Wells. The course of the Senator from Wells, as he now feels would be to fight; but, sir, until that desperate alternative is presented to me, my voice shall be for a peaceful solution of the difficulties surrounding us.
Mr. REED. The gentleman states that he favors the Union--the old Union, nothing but the Union. Yesterday there was a resolution offered by the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Downey] condemning the idea that there was any party in this State in favor of a Northwestern Confederacy, or the Northwest leaving New England out in the cold; and I understood the Senator to vote against that proposition. Was that for the Union or against it?
Mr. BROWN. I do not know how the record stands, but I have no knowledge of voting against any proposition of that kind. I stand here pledged against any Northwestern Confederacy, or any Union of the Northwest with the Southern Confederacy, or any arrangement of the difficulties whereby New England will be left out in the cold. I have announced it, sir, and stand by it, that I am in favor of the old Union, and nothing but the Union as our fathers gave it to us.
Mr. BROWNE of Randolph. In the event the independence of the Southern States is to be recognized, and they have to be cut off, would you then favor a Union between the South and the Northwest, leaving New England out?
Mr. BROWN of Wells. I desire to say this, in answer to that question: I contemtemplate no such an event as that. But in conclusion, Mr. President. I desire to say that in introducing the propositions I have, I think I have expressed the sentiments of the people; and the reports I receive are that the soldiers are all in favor of peace--that they are all tired of this war, and desire peace. But suppose the course which has been pursued by myself and others here may be condemned by the soldiery, they form but a small minority of the people of the North; and I believe the people of the North are with us. So long, then, as I believe a majority of the people of the North demand the armistice I propose, so long I shall favor it while I am their representative in these legislative halls.
Mr. BROWNE, of Randolph. If the people of the North are in favor of an armistice why did your own party ignore it in their report to the Senate?
Mr. BROWN of Wells. I do not undertake to answer for what my party has done upon this floor. It will speak for itself. Mr. President, I trust that what I have said is sufficient to satisfy any candid mind that what I have done has been done for the good of the whole people and for the good of the country.
CONTESTED ELECTION CASE.
The special order for this hour being the resolutions in the case of the Senator from Elkhart and Lagrange, they were taken up. The first declares that Mr. Murray, the sitting member, was not entitled to his seat. The second declares that Mr. Baker is entitled to the seat occupied by Mr. Murray.
Mr. JOHNSTON demanded a division of the question, that the vote might be taken on the resolutions separately.
Mr. DOWNEY made an able legal argument in favor of Mr. Murray, He contended that allthough Mr. Murray preformed the duty and received the compensation of a regimental Quartermaster in the army, he had never been legally mustered into the service, and had not given a bond as the regulations required.
Messrs MANSFIELD and CLAYPOOL controverted the positions of the Senator from Ohio and Switzerland. [Mr. Downey] contending that the commission was evidence sufficient to disqualify Mr. Murray from holding a seat as Senator.
page: 232[View Page 232]Mr. HORD said that the commission was only prima facie evidence against Mr. Murray, but he had a right to show that he was or was not legally an officer. He could not be an officer legally until he had filled all the requirements of the regulations of the army. The only evidence we had that Mr. Murray ever exercised the duties of the office of Quartermaster were his own statements, and his statements should be taken in full if at all.
The first resolution was rejected by yeas 20, nays 22.
On motion by Mr. JOHNSTON the second resolution, was laid on the table by yeas 24, nays 17; excused 1.
BILLS ON THE THIRD READING.
Mr. Waterman's bill, [H. R. 129] amending the law governing the payment of salaries of State officers, was passed by yeas 42, nays 0.
Mr. Miller's bill, [H. R. 109] extending time to borrows of the Sinking Fund, was passed by yeas 36, nays 5.
Mr.Mutz's bill, [H. R. 75] to prohibit the sale of coal and petrolaum oil without inspection, &c., was passed by yeas 42, nays 1.
Mr. Byerle's bill, [H.R. 145] for the relief of Geo. Arnold, was passed by yeas 35, nays 7.
SPECIFIC APPROPRIATIONS.
Mr. WILLIAMS from the Finance Committee, reported a list of accounts for legislative expenses, with a recommendation that they be allowed, and that, inasmuch as no specific appropriation bill can be passed, that the Auditor of State be authorized to issue his warrant in favor of the parties named.
One or two amendments, making additional allowances, were agreed to, and the resolution, as amended, was adopted.
HONOR TO OUR SOLDIERS.
Mr. CLAYPOOL offered a resolution, which was adopted, that when the "Roll of Honor of the Patriotic Dead", is completed by the State Librarian, it be published in book form, and that the profits of the sale thereof be devoted to the benefit of the orphans of the deceased soldiers.
THANKS TO OFFICERS.
A resolution was adopted, returning thanks to the Secretaries and their Assistants, and the Doorkeepers and their employees, for the faithful manner in which they have discharged their respective duties.
THE STATE ARSENAL.
Mr. BROWNE, of Randolph, from a select committee, reported that such was the condition of the Legislature no action could be taken with reference to Legislating on the subject of the arsenal.
The report was concurred in.
The Senate then took a recess for dinner.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Various reports were made from different committees, returning bills, &c., with recommendations that they be laid on the table; said committees not having time to consider the same.
These reports were severally concurred in.
VIOLATIONS OF THE BANKING LAW.
Mr. MARCH offered a resolution, which was adopted, asking the Attorney General to give his construction of the 55th section of the bank law, and if he finds any violations thereof that he be directed to bring suits in such cases.
MILITARY AUDITING COMMITTEE.
Mr. BROWNE, of Randolph, called up his concurrent resolution creating an auditing committee of two on the part of the Senate and one on the part of the House to audit all military claims, including the appropriations for the Indiana Legion, and it was adopted.
Subsequently, by a resolution of the Senate, Messrs. Dunning and New were appointed the committee on the part of the Senate.
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND THE ARMY.
Mr. BRADLEY called up the reports of the majority and minority of the Committee on Federal Relations in answer to the memorials from the army, and renewed the motion to adopt and print the majority report and that the minority report lay on the table and the same number of copies be printed of it.
Mr. RAY advocated the printing of the two reports together, and made a very able and eloquent speech in defense of of the Democratic party and defining his views on the grave questions of the day. He had been willing to lay aside party and go in for the whole country. But the people would adhere to party notwithstanding, and such being the case, he could not consent to abandon the party with which he had heretofore acted. He regretted the agitation of that subject which had been one of the moving causes of our present troubles - slavery, and he condemned all attempts, no matter by whom made, to consolidate any portion of the people upon an anti-slavery issue, during the pendency of the present struggle to put down the rebellion. He, also, deprecated all attemps to make the army believe that any party at the North was opposed to the restoration of the Union. We should all endeavor to convince our soldiers, by acts and words, that we were a united people for the Union of the States, and for a vigorous prosecution of the war, until rebellion was crushed out forever. He believed that, notwithstanding the discouragements hanging over our armies in the field, the unholy and unwarranted rebellion would be crushed out, and the flag page: 233[View Page 233]of our country recognized in every part of the Federal Union, as it bad been in years gone by.
This Senate has set here day after day and matured as much legislation, and done as much work as any preceding Senate ever did; but the most of it comes to naught, and falls, in consequence of the disorganization in the other branch of the Legislature. This, sir, is deplorable. I say, sir, it is deplorable. If the Democratic party in the Senate had done some foolish, rash or disloyal thing it would have furnished some expost facto excuse for this disorganization of the House.--But I am gratified at the political status of the Democratic members of the Senate today. I have expressed an opinion adversely to the military bill--upon which the members of the House left their seats and opposed to all schemes whereby the Democratic party was to share any portion of the military affairs of the State. I wish to say that measure never could have passed the House; and I am free to say it never could have received the sanction of five members on the floor of the Senate in my opinion; and yet on a mere pretext of this kind, a rebellion in our capitol has defeated the labors of the General Assembly for sixty-one days I want to blister and condemn, and here in my place to denounce this initial step in rebellion and anarchy at home. I denounced the first step in my own party which tended to rebellion and anarchy, and how much more ready should I be to denounce overt acts of rebellion and anarchy when they come from the other side?
Mr. JOHNSTON. The question is as to printing the majority and minority report of the committee. He was willing to print both documents and let the people read and judge for themselves. He did not think stump speaking at this time would change the opinion of one man. The people would read and think and decide for themselves. Let them read. Let the army read. He had heard that newspapers were excluded from the army. He was sorry if it was so. He did not think soldiers should be used like mules, made to do the work for other men's thinking. Documents, however, did get to the army denouncing and slandering the Democratic party. Republican newspapers were filled with these slanders.--Would not and did not these charges give aid and comfort to the enemy? Would it not rejoice the heart of Jeff. Davis to be informed that Indiana was on the verge of revolution--that the dominant party in it was ready to take the State out of the Union--was ready to hitch it on to the Southern Confederacy? And yet these charges were made daily. He read from the Indianapolis Journal describing a meeting in Putnam county, held at Greencastle, in which that paper stated that cheers for Jeff. Davis, loud and long, were heard. He pronounced it false. He was present at the meeting and nothing of the kind occurred. He denounced such slanders, and that paper had been full of them since this Legislature had been in session.
Mr. BROWNE, of Randolph, had been pleased with portions of the speech of the Senator from Shelby. [Mr. Ray] and had more hopes of the Union, since he heard it, and would have still more hopes, if he thought the gentleman had spoken as an exponent of his party.
Mr. RAY. I spoke for myself alone.
Mr. BROWNE, of Randolph, contended that evidences did exist of the existence of secret political society called the" Knights of the Golden Circle." whose object was to discourage enlistments. He had in his possession a letter from a constituent of the Senator from Putnam, [Mr. Johnston] written to his own son, encouraging that son to desert, and acknowledging the existence of a secret society termed by him the "Knights of the Golden Circle." The grand Jury had presented members of the Order, who had declined to reveal its mysteries. As to the charge that democrats had favored a Northwestern Confederacy, he would say that he had heard members of that party declare in favor of such a scheme. He contended that those who advocated such schemes, and united with such societies, were of those who composed the fanatical element in the Democratic party. He did not deny the existence of a conservative element in that party, and his hope was, that the conservatives would put their feet upon the necks of the fanatics. The Senator from Wells [Mr. Brown] had said that the rebellion could never be put down by war; that he was willing to try an armistice and a convention for adjustment, which failing, he would favor a continuance of the war, if the country was thereby exterminated. Knowing that nothing could be accomplished, why not be willing now to continue the war until every rebel is swept from existence? He denied that the party with which he was acting, was governed solely by party feelings. They were for their country, without any conditions whatever, and if anything transpired in the management of the administration of the war that did not meet the appropation of every member of the party, it did not weaken their fealty to the Government. And he recommended that the Democrats do likewise, and all would go well.
Mr. MARCH desired to reciprocate a portion of the sentiments of the Senator from Shelby. But he had said that this Legislature had done nothing to warrant any belief that it was a disloyal body. He would say, in ansewer, that the people would judge whether this was true or not. He who faltered in the time of his coun- page: 234[View Page 234]try's trial, might attempt to defend himself, but the people were always right, and they would decide as to who had stood up for their country and who had not. The people were alarmed at the existence of a conditional loyalty throughout Indiana, and in the legislature, that would only give support to the country, provided the President would do this or that. And while such alarm existed, it was no wonder that they and the soldiers had expressed their fears with some feeling. He had no defense to make of his course, or of that of his party. Those who thought that a defence was necessary, could make it, and when made, the people would judge as to whether they were guilty or not.
The majority report was then adopted, and 5,000 copies ordered to be printed, of both the majority and minority reports.
Mr. Miller's bill [H. R. 128] authorizing Recorders to demand their fees in advance, was read the third time passed by yeas 33, nays 2.
A concurrent resolution (printed on page 213) directing the Attorney General to sue in the name of the State for any monies drawn from the Treasury without warrant of law, was laid on the table.
Mr. CLAYPOOL moved to take a recess until 8 o'clock this evening. He had heard that the "Madison branch" of the Legislature would arrive at 8 o'clock, and he wished the Senate to be on hand to receive any bills that the House might send here.
The motion was agreed to.
NIGHT SESSION.
Several resolutions were adopted; when, a call of the Senate being ordered and taken, but 24 members answered to their names.
