IN SENATE.
WEDNESDAY, February 11, 1863.Mr. WILSON, from the Banking Committee, reported upon the memorial of D. A. Martin, that E. G. Burkham is not legally entitled to hold a Directorship in the Branch of the State Bank at Lawrenceburg, and that said Bank had been grossly mismanaged, and the assets of the Bank diverted to the injury of the people of that Bank District, and recommended the adoption of a joint resolution (11) appointing Edmund Clark agent to examine into the condition of the said Branch.
page: 136[View Page 136]The joint resolution was read the first time.
REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES.
Recommending that Senate bills 41 (see page 80;) and 75 (limiting the number of Justices in townships of 200 voters and under to one Justice, be laid on the table, were concurred in.
ARMING OF NEGROES.
The Senate joint resolution [10] protesting against the enlisting and arming of negroes, coming up in order--
Mr. BROWN, of Wells. The proposition was advanced yesterday by those opposing the resolution, that those who differed with the Administration in power were disloyal men. This cry had become stale, and passed now as the idle wind.-- Gentlemen must remember that the October elections, by the construction of loyalty put by them upon the term, proclaimed the great mass of the people of the North traitors' Secretary Seward, seeing the effect upon foreign nations of this cry, notified them that by our theory of government, men might differ with the Administration, and even oppose it and yet be loyal to the Government. Gentlemen acting all their lives with the opposition, opposing always the policy of the Democratic party, rise here, and while sticking close to the views of their old party friends, cry "no party." The proclamation struck at non-combatants. It struck down the rights of loyal men. It was said that it was harmless, If it was so, why, in the alarming state of the country, waste time on such child's play? But it is termed a military necessity--that tyrant's plea, that covers up a multitude of sins. It was contended that the bill would have no bad effect on the soldier. He read a letter received this morning from a soldier at Nashville Tennessee, begging him to use what influence he had to direct the war within a constitutional channel, and stating that wide disaffection existed in the army. He also read an article from the Independent, in which Beecher called upon "God and the negro" to save the Republic. What blasphemy! When it came to that, when this Republic could only be saved by the arm of the negro, he would leave his citizenship as soon as he could. He made a forcible and able argument against the employment of the negro as a soldier, as tending to weaken instead of strengthen, the North.
Mr. MANSFIELD. On one and the same subject there was a great diversity of opinion. If it was true that the proclamation set free three or four millions of negroes, and they were to come amongst us, he would oppose it with all his zeal and energies. He had long been a slaveholder, and knew the race. Their immediate liberation would result in the destruction of the white race and of the black race. He then presented his view of the proclamation, that it did not effect the system of slavery, and was merely a military measure, operative only where our armies went. The operation was good and bad. The bad effect was already felt--it united the people of the seceded States. The good effect was to come. He had opposed it at first; but we had experienced the bad effect and it would be unwise to recall it now before the good effect has been experienced. He contended that the proclamation would liberate but few slaves. He would not approve of the arming of slaves, unless as a measure of necessity. He would make it a last resort. The example had been set by the South in their arming of the savages. We should calculate the effect on our own army, and be careful not to trample upon the feelings of our soldiers. If men were in earnest they would not hesitate about the company they would have in subduing the enemy. He instanced the Sepoys of India, who had been used to subjugate that country, although the English prejudice against them wan quite as strong as that of our people against the negro. Men who dream of nothing but compromises could readily pick flaws. While he preferred that white men should do our fighting, he was opposed to giving an expression here that no other class should be used to fight rebels.
Mr. WOLFE. The question under consideration was the proclamation of the President, issued on the first of January. It called upon the President to withdraw it, and, when so withdrawn, instructed our Senators in Congress to vote men and money to subdue the rebellion. All the measures of the war were fairly before the Senate for discussion Whatever he might say, he did not expect to convince the minority here. His words would fall on the dull ear of party. Nothing short of the thunder bolts from heaven would move these gentlemen. The warning voice of conservatism had been sounded in the ears of these gentlemen before the war commenced and since. He was in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war for the purposes announced at the commencement of it, or he was for a speedy peace. While the authorities at Washington conducted the war for its legitimate object it was the duty of all citizens to yield it support.-- He contended, however, that the Union could not be restored by the policy the powers at Washington were now pursuing. Believing so, he must oppose it. He opposed it because he loved the Union. Let any gentleman show how the Union could be restored, and he would give his undivided and hearty support to all measures to that end, and not be very particular whether they were strictly legal or not.-- He was satisfied in his own mind that the Administration policy was a disunion pol- page: 137[View Page 137] icy. and he believed he could show it.-- When this war broke out there was a strong union sentiment at the South. He recited facts and incidents. The Crittenden compromise would have strengthened and increased this sentiment. If this war had been prose sated in a proper manner and in a proper spirit it could have been brought to a successful issue in nine months. But from the time this Congress commenced the agitation of the negro question, disunion grew apace in the South, and it grew until they were able to meet and often overwhelm our forces.-- He believed firmly that a united people could never be conquered. History gave no example. History does give examples of an invading army being the nucleus around which the people could rally, but never that a united people were brought under the yoke of an invaded.-- He knew that Poland was held by a foreign power. But is it conquered? It has cost Russia more than all the lands and chattles are worth, and yet the people were not subdued and never would be. He then reviewed the progress of the war and the immense resources used. We were in a worse condition to-day than we were a year ago. If the Union could be restored by any means he would support those means. If knocking the totters from every slave would restore the Government, he would liberate every negro. He had no sympathy with the Rebels. He saw the first inception of this rebellion at Charleston and at Baltimore, and he denounced the base treachery of those men to the true and loyal men of the North. He had no sympathy with them. He was not their guardian or their advocate. They inaugurated this civil war. They were doubtless goaded to it by the intermeddling of the abolitionists of the North, but they deserted their friends in the North--basely deserted them, and he had no sympathy with them. But because these traitors were base, because they betrayed their friends and their country, he did not think he was called upon to aid in the ruin by advocating measures that he was satisfied would only hasten the ruin. He would not cut off his nose to hurt another man. He believed the policy of Mr. Lincoln was doing more to strengthen the rebellion and ruin the country than all the acts of Jeff. Davis and his traitor crew. The traitors would have been powerless had they not been aided by the mad and unwise conduct of the radicals at the North, and their policy was that of the Administration. There was another question, a financial question, that must be touched. It must be met.-- Fine spun theories could not evade them. There was a question of greenbacks.--Gentlemen might talk of the last drop of Wood and the last Collar, but talk would not do. We were heaping up a debt without limit.
Mr. CLAYPOOL asked if the American people could not bear as large a debt as France, and it the debt would be any larger than that of France if the war continued until July 1864?
Mr. WOLFE did not know bow much a people could endure if their hearts were in a cause. This, he feared, was the condition of the southern people, and they would endure all and bear all. They had demonstrated, also, that they were as brave in the battlefield as their kindred blood of the North. The people of the North might endure as much as the surfs of Russia, but with equal endurance and equal valor in the South, a great united people could not be conquered. He did not, he could not, believe that the dominant, policy could ever preserve the country, and believing so, he would vote for the resolution, and be accountable to his constituents and to posterity. The Senator from Henry (Mr. Mellett) said if he-gave that vote he would be aiding the Southern Confederacy. He believed before God, that if the Senator from Henry gave the vote he threatened to give, that he would be giving aid to Jeff. Davis. Let the gentleman account for his vote to his constituents, and let him answer to posterity. He saw hope if the people in both sections could be heard. The like causes were working like effects in both sections. Jeff. Davis and the dominant men South would oppose an armistice, and the speculators and all who were making money out of the war here would oppose it, The war must be closed sometime by a cessation of hostilities. He never would consent to any peace but one on the basis of the restoration of the Union, He would accept that and nothing less. Try this plan of compromise, and if it fails you will have no occasion to seek to raise black soldiers, for a power will spring up in the North that is little dreamed of. He read from the New York Tribune to show the radical programme to be disunion--no union with slaveholders. He would be found fighting disunion under this guise, "The best available peace" in the extract meant let the South go. He alluded to the charge against the Democratic party of a desire to take Indiana out of the Union, and the formation of a Northwestern Confederacy, and denounced it as a base slander, and he believed the cry was raised by the opposition to cover up schemes of oppression meditated by them.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Mr. MURRAY. In the form in which these resolutions are drawn he could not vote for them. If they were in another form he might vote for them. As they stand, they are a demand upon the President to withdraw his proclamation. He did not think it the duty of the Senate to criticise the acts of the Commander-in- page: 138[View Page 138] Chief of the army at this critical time: He admitted, however, the right of the people to differ with the Administration on matters of policy. He would ask what good can grow out of the demand for the repeal of the law for the employment of negroes as soldiers? He believed the measure was a pure and patriotic one--not to elevate the negro but to put down the rebellion. The negroes were to be organized to garrison Southern forts where white men would die from the effects of the climate. This was all the advocates of the bill intended by it. They did not intend to mix white regiments and black regiments. Could any one object to that? He opposed the joint resolution also because it was calculated to add to the excitement already existing in the State. There was a wide spread feeling that a majority in this Legislature intended to take the State out of the Union, and there was an organization or organizations forming all over the State to resist the scheme.
Mr. RAY. Who is responsible for these reports?
Mr. MURRAY. I don't know. I only know that the belief exists, and the loyal people are forming associations to avert it.
Mr. COBB Does the gentleman know of the existence of these associations?
Mr. MURRAY. I do. One exists in my own township.
Mr. COBB Is not that association for freeing the slaves?
Mr. MURRAY. I do not belong to it, and cannot say, but I am told it is to resist all attempts to take the State out of the Union.
Mr. CORBIN. Is that association arming? and if so, who furnishes the arms?
Mr. MURRAY. The farmers are all armed. The excitement is growing, and it has already reached the army.
Mr. COBB. Do not these stories reach the army through lying journals circulated there?
Mr. MURRAY. I suppose so.
Mr. COBB. Then why dont you denounce such journals.
Mr. MURRAY. I do. I never believed, and do not now believe, that any such scheme exists, it is for this reason I deprecate all agitation. It was also believed that a secret organization existed in the Democratic party to resist the draft, and to resist the arrest of deserters, and for other purposes of resistance to the legal authority of the Government. In regard to the proclamation, he was not one of these who denounced all men as traitors him who differed with him. He did not believe they were, and these denunciations mortified him. Men could belong to their own political organizations and be true to the country. He was in favor of the proposition before Congress, because he never wanted to see another draft made in Indiana. He did not want to see citizens of Indiana forced into the army at the point of the bayonet. Elkhart county had only one hundred men drafted, and he never witnessed such a scene of distress as when these men were marched to the county seat. He did not believe another draft could be made here without civil war. Indiana had poured out her blood like water already. He was then in favor of raising negro regiments to garrison the forts, and thus save our own people.
Mr. BROWN, of Wells. Does not the gentleman think then that the salvation of the republic depends upon the rigger?
Mr. MURRAY. No sir. Gov. Andrew has been persistent in his scheme. The negro should fight as well as the white min. But as to the proclamation he did not believe it would free a single slave. He believed it was unfortunate, and it was his opinion that it never should have been made. Yet he believed if it had any effect at all it would be to weaken the rebels. He believed the proclamation was made not to effect the slaves but to operate on foreign nations, to secure their sympathy in our behalf. And now we are about to ask the President to take it back.
Mr. DOUGLASS. Suppose he takes it back, won't he stand just where he did before he issued it?
Mr. MURRAY. He would not. He followed out the border State or rose water policy for a long time until a change was demanded by tue country. The change was made, and the proclamation was the blow direct at the vitals of the rebellion. He was not answerable for the individual opinions of members of the Republican party. He differed with the Abolition fanatics. Indeed he was sorely grieved at many of the acts of the Administration, and if he could recall the vote he gave to Abraham Lincoln, he would give it with all his heart to Stephen A. Douglas.
Mr. COBB read a portion of Mr. Douglas' last speech at Chicago, in which he deprecated any war but a war carried on as civilized and Christian nation conduct a war, and asked if the gentleman endorsed that speech?
Mr. MURRAY did endorse it heartily. If the Senator from Harrison will offer a proposition here devising some means to propose terms of peace to the rebels without withdrawing our armies, without inferring with impeding battles, and without weakening our army or resources, he would vote for it. He asked Messrs. Wolfe and Dunning if they would accept an armistice on the terms proposed by Jeff. Da vis, "that the Southern Confederacy must first be recognised before even an armistice should be granted."
Mr. WOLFE. I would not.
Mr. DUNNING. No good Democrat could accept any such proposition, nor page: 139[View Page 139] consent to anything less than "the Union--now and forever--one and inseparable."
Mr. MURRAY believed that any proposition for peace that would look to nothing but a restoration of the Union would be rejected by the rebel government, and he sometimes wished that propositions could be submitted to that government, for their rejection would unite the North for the Union and increase the Union sentiment at the South. In conclusion he read a pledge that was being publicly circulated in Elkhart county, pledging the signers to an unconditional support of the war and to sustain Governor Morton and prevent at all hazards, any attempt to take from him the executive and military powers conferred upon him by the Constitution. He read this to show that secret societies had produced counter organizations of a public character, and that the people were agitated upon the subject.
Mr. WOLFE. Does not the gentleman believe that there is a little foundation for the formation of these societies as there was for the formation of Know Nothing societies to oppose an invasion by the Pope of Rome?
Mr. MURRAY. I have already said I did not believe there was any foundation for their fears but those fears exist, and he was opposed to all treasures that would have a tendency to increase them. He opposed the resolution as amended.
Mr. DUNNING heartily concurred in what was said by the Senator from Henry yesterday as to laying aside party spurt until the rebellion was subdued. He denounced the rebellion at its commencement as causeless and wicked as he did now. He made speeches and aided in raising troops, but while he in good faith was acting thus he feared the President was departing from the landmarks he had laid down for the prosecution of the war. Even up to the 18th of June Convention he was still in hope that the President would adhere to his original plan of conducting the war for the restoration of ten Government and for that object solely. He opposed the 8th of January Convention, thinking it ill timed, and was not bound by it, He was not for party. He was for his country first, last and all the time. He had not made a speech for the war which he would take back. But a programme had been inaugurated by the present Congress the most infamous that ever disgraced any body of men. He longed for the 4th of March when that set of men would be sent to their homes, there, he trusted, to remain. He detested their infamous programme and acted thenceforward with the Democratic party. He wished to reply to the arguments of the gentleman from Henry and the gentleman from Randolph in regard to the emancipation proclamation, it was to break the back bone of the rebellion, according to the Senator from Randolph, by taking away their labor, while the President advises the slave to remain with his master and work for wages, to be peaceable and gentle. This was beautiful logic to present to an intelligent Senate. The Senator from Delaware objected to criticisms upon military orders even of the President. In reference to that matter he would read from a letter written by Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams after the elections in October and November.-- (It was in reference to the habit of the American people to canvass the acts of the Administration.)
Mr. MARCH, All right, I see nothing in that.
Mr. DUNNING. If the gentleman sees nothing in it is well. Since the elections since the conservative citizens bad spoken, a little more latitude was given to the expression of opinion. Whenever it came to that pass that the people could not canvass any act of the Administration, our liberties as a people were gone forever. He said there was force in the remarks of the Senator from Lawrence (Mr. Cobb) that the President intended to have his proclamation enforced by the bayonet. He did not, however, think it could be made to do much harm. The President had made the strongest argument against it that ever had been made. He read the President's reply to the Chicago delegation, he wished the opposition to hear it. He read, it paragraph by paragraph, and commented on each with great eloquence, he denounced the last paragraph as the foulest sentiment ever uttered--a sentiment that would disgrace a barbarian. He contended if this proclamation could do no good, why do they adhere to it with a death grasp? Why not gratify the Democratic party in the loyal States of the Union and withdraw it? Why would they not give this little indulgence to the sentiment of a loyal people and a loyal party? He believed that the issue of this proclamation turned the elections in favor of the Democratic party. It stirred up the mighty heat of the people, and their sentiment, was poured out at the ballot box. Let me tell you that the people are opposed to it. He knew they were opposed to it.
Mr. REED. Docs the gentleman think the proclamation constitutional?
Mr. DUNNING did not. He found no warrant for taking private property without compensation in the Constitution.
Mr. REED. Does the gentleman endorse the President's letter to Horace Greeley, that he would sacrifice slavery to restore the Union?
Mr. DUNNING. If the rebels would place their slaves between the Constitution and the restoration of the Union, he would let them go to the warmest place he could name. He advocated an armis- page: 140[View Page 140] tice for the purpose of trying whether, with all their rights under the Constitution restored to them, the rebel States would not return to the family and live again in peace. He believed, with Senator Douglas, that war was disunion. One of his plans of settlement shadowed forth in his last speech in the Senate, was nothing but an armistice. The people demanded this. They did not want a dishonorable peace, but they felt convinced that if reason and not passion was suffered to rule, that peace could be had. But gentlemen are denounced as disloyal who make such propositions. Put up two candidates in each county, one for a war of subjugation, and one for an honorable peace, and ninety out of ninety-nine counties would return the peace candidates by overwhelming majorities. He denied flat these who favored an armistice were disloyal men. The Democratic party was composed of as good Union men as could be found anywhere. For himself he had no feelings for his Southern brethren. He had declared at Charleston that he would never, consent that slavery should be extended over a country without the consent of the free white voters thereof, and had been insulted there for declaring such sentiments. The leaders of the rebellion in the Democratic party had led the rebellion against the government, and if they could be tried and hung they should receive no sympathy from him. But there was a large class at the South who had, from various causes, been driven into opposition to the national government, and these should not be punished if peace should be declared. In conclusion he appealed to the minority to yield their prejudices in favor of the proclamation, but whether they did so or not, he hoped and believed the Democratic party would not be driven from supporting the country in every effort to restore the government to its happy condition before the rebellion threw its shadow over this once prosperous land. He was for conservative measures that would increase the Union sentiment in the Southern States.
[Mr. WILLIAMS. (unanimous consent being given) reported from a select committee a bill [111] to apportion the State for Senators and Representatives for the next six years, which was read twice under a suspension of the rules, and ordered to be printed.]
Mr. SHIELDS had been as highly gratified as any person could be as the speeches made on the subject under discussion, but yet the Senate had other duties to perform. He did not think the amendments were strictly germain to the Joint Resolution. They would perhaps be better in a separate Joint Resolution. He moved to lay all the amendments on the table.
Mr. Douglass withdrew his amendment.
The amendment (Mr. Claypool's) as amended (by Mr. Wolfe) was agreed to--yeas 31, nays 11, 2 not voting.
During the call of the roll--
Mr. BEESON said he voted for that part which favored a vigorous prosecution of the war, and against that part which demanded the withdrawal of the proclamation, and asked that his vote be so recorded.
The PRESIDENT said this could not be done.
Messrs. BROWNE of Randolph, and Mr. WHITE said they were for one part of the amendment and against another, but would vote aye.
Mr. MARCH offered an amendment to strike out all after the enacting clause, and to insert the following:
- That notwithstanding there may be differences of opinion in regard to the policy of some of the war measures of the National Administration, yet the State of Indiana, without distinction of party, still unwavering in her devotion and attachment to the National Government, again reiterates her pledges of fidelity to the common cause, and will with all her energies, with all her power, and all her means, press steadily forward in the war to pat down the rebellion, restore the Union and the Constitution, with the distinct understanding that the same is not prosecuted for any sectional, political or anti-slavery purpose.
- That our Senators be instructed and our Representatives be requested to vote for all laws having the effect to lighten the labor, protect the health, and save the lives of white soldiers by employing acclimated persons of African descent, wherever their services can be made useful and safe, having proper regard to their capacity, previous relation to the whites, the antipathies of race, condition and color in framing such laws.
Mr. COBB moved to lay the amendment on the table.
An ineffectual motion was made to adjourn--yeas 20, nays 24.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to--yeas 24, nays 20--as follows:
YEAS--Messrs. Bradley, Brown, of Wells; Cobb, Corbin, Davis, of Cass, Douglass, Dunning, Ferguson, Finch, Fuller, Gifford, Hartley, Hoagland, Hord, Jenkins, Johnston, Landers, McClurg, Moore, Ray, Shields, William, Wilson and Wolfe--24.
NAYS--Messrs. Bearss, Beeson, Berry, Blair, Browne, of Randolph, Claypool, Dickinson, Downey, Graves, Grubb, Mansfield, March, Mellett, Murray, Mew, Pleak, Heed, Teegarden, White and Wright--20.
