HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, May 31, 1861.The House met at 9 o'clock A. M.
On motion by Mr. GIFFORD, the reading Of the journal was dispensed with.
SICK SOLDIERS' FUND.
Mr. WARRUM submitted the following:
Be it resolved by the House (the Senate concurring therein,) That the members of this General Assembly contribute the per diem pay allowed them during the recess, to a fund for the relief of sick soldiers of the volunteer regiments from this State. The fund so raised is to be called the Hospital Fund, and is to be equally divided between the several regiments of Indiana troops in the active service of the State and of the United States, and is to be expended in purchasing such extra supplies as the Army Surgeons may approve, for the use of the sick of the several regiments.
On motion of Mr. BUNDY, it was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.
On motion of Mr. BUNDY, Mr. Orr had leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
PERSONAL.
Mr. PROSSER said he was erroneously reported as opposing the University bill of the Senate. He was not in the House at the time. The report says: "It seems to me that there is a good deal of French suffrage in the bill." He did not know how to apply that.
Mr BRETT. I desire to make another explanation, in reference to a report of what I said here day before yesterday, in reference to the bill for the pay of soldiers. I am reported to have said that I had had a conversation with officers who said they were willing to advance the soldiers pay out of their own pockets. I said I had a conversation with certain officers and men, who told me that they were willing to receive from the State an advance on their pay. The way I am reported it would place me in an absurd position.
Mr. PARRETT read an article from the Sentinel of this morning, copied from the Sullivan Democrat. It charges upon this House the action of the Senate, and amounts to what he called a personal reflection. He read the article, commencing with these words: "The first proposition is to raise twelve regiments," etc. If that is not a reflection on us I don't know what would be.
The SPEAKER. The Chair would recommend the propriety of adopting a resolution that the editor has lied.
ADDITIONAL SPECIFIC APPROPRIATION BILL.
On motion by Mr. BUNDY, the House took up the calendar of Senate messages.
The Senate amendments to the additional specific appropriation bill, were taken up, and amongst others, the House refused to concur in the amendments affecting the per diem of clerks.
BENEVOLENT INSTITUTIONS.
On motion of Mr. KENDRICK, this bill [66] fixing the tenure of office and pay of the Superintendants of the State Benevolent Institutions was taken up.
Mr. KENDRICK said the bill would be agreeable to the Board and the several Superintendants.
page: 243[View Page 243]Mr. FRASIER. Who elects the Superintendants?
Mr. KENDRICK. The Board, as heretofore.
Mr. BUNDY. It could not pass the Senate at this late stage. There are some features in it that he could not approve, and he moved to lay the bill on the table.
The motion was agreed to.
MAJOR HEFFREN.
Mr. BINGHAM submitted the following:
WHEREAS, It is necessary, in view of the perilous character of the times, to use the greatest precaution in the selection of men to military commands, not only for the honor and safety of our country, but for the lives of our men:
AND WHEREAS, Words and acts are the only evidences by which we determine who are patriots and who are hostile to the General Government:
AND WHEREAS, The course pursued by Horace Heffren, a member of this House, at the late regular session, and continued at the present session, has been seditious in its tendency, and we can not look upon his appointment to an important military command as judicious or justifiable: Therefore,
Resolved, That we hereby express our disapprobation of the act of Oliver P. Morton, Governor of the State of Indiana, in appointing said Horace Heffren Major in the 13th regiment of the Indiana troops.
Mr. FRASIER. I move to postpone the further consideration of the preamble and resolutions, and make it the special order for to-morrow 10 o'clock.
Mr HEFFREN. I hope the gentleman will withdraw that. I can not remain tomorrow, and I want to hear the explanation of the gentleman from Jennings (Mr. Bingham;) and then I want to be heard ten minutes.
Mr. FRASIER. I shall not insist.
Mr. BINGHAM. The gentleman from Kosciusko has anticipated the motion I designed to make. I did not expect to explain the reasons to day that have induced me to offer this resolution. But inasmuch as the gentleman from Washington and Harrison can not be here to-morrow, I will make the explanation. It is simply this:
At the last session of the Legislature it was foreseen that the troublous times which are now upon us would certainly ensue. During all that session the course of that gentleman was certainly in opposition to every effort made by the House to put the State in a condition of military defence. Not only that, but as one of the leaders of his party, he took occasion, after making his speech on this floor, to print a large number of copies of it, which were distributed all over the State to be a guide as to the course his party should pursue. That speech contains various propositions hostile to the principles and policy proposed to be inaugurated in this House. I have been told - whether the information be correct or not - that copies of that very speech were sent to various papers published in the South, and by them copied as the recognized views of one of the leading members of the Democratic party in the State of Indiana.
It is true that at that time that was the gentleman's privilege - his right. But this session I am happy to see conviction so clear coming over the mind of the gentleman, that his case is beginning to look like salvation. But his repentance, I apprehend, is not so effective yet as to entitle him to the military command which the Governor has tendered him.
When we came here, Mr. Speaker, confusion abounded all through the military operations that were set on foot, not only for the organization of the militia, but it reigned supreme in the organization of companies for the three months service of the United States. In view of that confusion, or consequent upon it, the Governor, when he delivered his message to the two Houses in extra session, was compelled to make the humiliating acknowledgment that he did not know even the number of the companies that were assembled on the camp ground. Even in the printed copies of the message the number is left blank. When I was at home I was inquired of for the number of volunteers here, and I could only refer to the Governor's message, and when they came to look at that paper they found it blank. That kind of inefficiency and utter confusion, I think entirely unjustifiable, and now, when we meet again, since the recess, when the Governor has been urged to bring something like order out of this confusion, he has paid no kind of adequate attention to the matter.
Again, when he comes to the appointment of the field officers in the six regiments, he evinces the same want of care which his public duty imposes. And when he is remonstrated with against appointing men without military knowledge and experience to lead our men, and continues to disregard all remonstrances, I think it is right and proper, where an opportunity presents itself, that a resolution of censure upon his course should be passed by this House. But I confess here, so far as I am concerned, that it has not been so much with a view of effecting the position of the gentleman from Washington and Harrison as to censure the Governor, that I have introduced this resolution. And, as I said before, with regard to the gentleman from Washington and Harrison, while he was certainly seditious in his speech of last winter, I am still willing to acknowledge that there is good evidence of reform in his case. Still, I fear it is not so deep that a man would like to swear by it. I submit, therefore, the justice and propriety of such an appointment to the judgment of gentlemen who remember what has been said and done,whether such an appointment can meet the approbation of the members of this House. I recollect last winter that a certain committee was appointed to which was referred a resolution personally affecting the gentleman from Washington and Harrison and the gentleman from Jasper, (Mr. Moody) that the chairmanship of that special committee was committed to me; and I was blamed because I could not succeed in getting that committee together so as to be able to make a report to this House.
Mr. BUNDY (interposing.) Did the gentleman ever make an effort to get that committee together?
Mr. BlNGHAM. Does the gentleman from Henry doubt? [Laughter.]
page: 244[View Page 244]Mr. FISHER. I insist, Mr. Speaker, that that is a leading question.
The SPEAKER. [Mr. McLean in the Chair.] It is entirely out of order to impugn motives.
Mr. BINGHAM. The gentleman does not impugn motives, Mr. Speaker; but I am surprised that he should seem to doubt that I did my utmost to get that committee together last winter. But I have submitted this preamble and resolution simply to get a vote of the House as to whether the act of the Governor in this appointment is either judicious or justifiable.
Mr. HEFFREN. As the gentleman from Jennings has said (and I have no reason to disbelieve him,) that he is more after the Governor than myself. I shall only occupy a few moments of time. I am sorry that circumstances have arisen which have led the gentleman to believe it his duty to introduce a matter of this kind, at a time like the the present, when our common country is in danger and her flag despised. I think it were better that the gentleman from Jennings should do as I have done, enlist as a private in a company, agreeing to serve for three years or during the war - to follow that banner which, as the gentleman has said truly, myself and the gentleman who sits by my side helped to place upon the staff over this building, where it still floats. I think, Mr. Speaker, that it is unfortunate. I can not say why now, when the political hatchet has been buried, and, as I trust, never to be dug up while rebellion is in the land. I look upon it as unfortunate, because the gentleman and the Governor were and are, I believe, (if politics be any thing,) political friends, and if they have cause of difficulty I see no reason why I should be dragged in and made a scapegoat between them.
A few words in regard to that celebrated speech of mine last winter. At that time, sir, there were two political parties here, each struggling to make their record that when we left this hall we could use it to the best advantage against each other, in order that we might come back in power and occupy the places of our political opponents. I then stood by the Democratic party - that party whose cause I believed to be nothing but the cause of the flag of my country. The gentleman from Jennings and others stood by their political flag, which they believed to be the flag of their country also.
Mr. FRASIER (interposing). I would like to ask the gentleman whether soon after the adjournment of the regular session he did not make a speech at Frankfort, Kentucky, and there rather indicate that Indiana would be with the South?
Mr. HEFFREN. No, sir; I did not. But as I was saying, that speech was made here under the excitement of the occasion when there were two political parties here. It was also an occasion out of which there arose a personal difficulty of such a nature that had I seen proper to change its terms and expressions at the time, as a man of honor, under the circumstances surrounding me, I could not have done it. And I did not. At that time, sir, our forts had not been captured - our flag had not been insulted - our ships had not been fired into - the flag of our country (with the exception of South Carolina) was still unfurled over every portion of the Union. And I believed at that time that this question never would come upon us. I believed that the Southern people were mad that they were fanatical-, and that they would return to their allegiance. But they have not done it. On the contrary, they have set up a pretended Government for themselves; have organized departments; have raised armies and borrowed money for what? To put down in all these States the authority and the Constitution of the United States. And when it comes to that, the only question an American citizen can ask himself is simply, Shall I maintain my Government or shall I not? And now, Mr. Speaker, I think that when I was willing to go as a private into the service of my country, for the maintenance of the Constitution and laws to the death if necessarythat my best blood might be poured out for their defense on a soil not that of my nativity, how does the gentleman say there is want of evidence of my sincerity? He assumes my penitence, and seems to think so long as the principle is good that -
"Whilst the lamp holds out to burn,
The vilest sinner may
return,"
I might yet come in.
Now on the part of His Excellency, the Governor, he has tendered me this commission, to which the preamble to the resolution refers, and, if I go under it, I propose to go for three years, or as much longer as necessary - I propose to follow the flag of my country wherever it may go, and I tell you, sir, I am apprehensive that some who have maligned my motives and misrepresented my condition, would never dare to follow as far, and stand by the side of those who stand by me in defence of the country.
Now I am sorry my friend from Jennings has introduced this resolution, because he is my personal friend, as well as because the object seems to be to strike at the Governor over the shoulders of others. I am at a loss -
Mr. VEATCH, interposing. I desire to ask the gentleman whether, last winter, in this hall, he did not state that if the President should call on the State of Indiana for troops to subdue the South, he would not resign his commission, and leave his home and the scenes of his childhood, and shoulder a musket, and fight for the defence of Southern States?
Mr. HEFFREN. If the gentleman would put the whole of the sentence together, it would make another meaning. I stated that I would rather be a private in the army, fighting in defence of my rights under the Constitution, than to be commander-in-chief of the army that should go to deprive any people of those rights. I meant that I would rather be a private with troops of the State of Indiana, and fight for the defence of those rights which the Constitution guarantees, than to be commander-in chief of an army that might come from Michigan or Illinois to crush out those rights.
Mr. VEATCH. My question was as to what the gentleman said he would do in case the President of the United States should call upon the State of Indiana for troops, whether the gentleman did not say he would rather be a private in a Southern army than be commander-in-chief in Indiana?
