IN SENATE.
THURSDAY, May 30, 1861.Mr. BEESON, from the Committee on Federal relations, made the following report.
Mr. PRESIDENT - The Committee on Federal Relations, to which was referred House joint resolution No. 7. [see pages 154, 155 and 156 of these Reports,] have had the same under consideration, and direct me to report it back with the following amendments, viz, and when so amend ed, recommend its passage:
"Amend by adding to the first resolution these words, viz: 'And to blockade effectively all Southern seaports against the world, and with the distinct understanding that the war shall be prosecuted only for the purpose of crushing out rebellion, restoring the Union, maintaining the Constitution, enforcing the laws and securing American liberty.'"
Amend further by striking out, wherever they occur, the words '"Congressmen" and "members of Congress," and inserting "Representatives in Congress."
Mr. SLACK moved the following amendment: After the word "liberty" add the following: "and not for any sectional, political or antislavery purposes."
Mr. MELLETT moved to lay the amendment on the table.
Mr. ANTHONY. I desire to make a short explanation of my vote.
The PRESIDENT. Upon a motion to lay on the table, the question is not debateable.
Mr. ANTHONY. I only wish to say that I am opposed to prosecuting this war for any such purposes as the gentleman seems to indicate in the amendment, and I insist, as the resolution says, that the war is not to be prosecuted only for certain purposes, which I believe are legitimate.
Mr. SLACK. I wish to say why I shall vote for the amendment. The Senator from Floyd says he does not believe this war is being prosecuted for any such purposes. I do not believe it is, nor do I hesitate to say so. Whatever I believe to be the truth, I do not hesitate to put in black and white.
The PRESIDENT. Debate will not be indulged one moment. - The motion to lay on the table was rejected by yeas 19, nays 21 - as follows:
YEAS - Messrs. Anthony, Bearss, Beeson, Blair, Campbell, Claypool, Conner, Craven of Madison, Cravens of Jefferson, DeHart, Dickinson, Hull, March, Mellett, Miller, Newcomb, Robinson, Teegarden, Turner - 19.
NAYS - Messrs. Carnahan, Cobb, Conley, Ferguson, Hamilton, Jolmston, Jones, Line, Lomax, O'Brien, Odell, Ray, Shoemaker, Shoulders, Slack, Steele, Studabaker, Tarkington, White, Williams, Wilson, Wolfe - 21.
Mr. CLAYPOOL moved to amend the amendment by striking out the words "return to the people."
Mr. CLAYPOOL. I understand the language of the resolutions not only request these men to resign, but to return to the people. Now, sir, I do not wish, and I cannot vote, for traitors to return to the soil of Indiana. I would prefer they go to England or any other land, anywhere on the face of God's green earth would I prefer to see a traitor than in Indiana. I understand a person who comes within the per view of these resolutions to be an enemy to the country. While making these remarks I desire, for the purpose of placing myself right upon the record on the vote just passed, to make some reference to the resolutions and the amendment offered by the Senator from Huntington [Mr. Slack.] I do not understand that this war is prosecuted for any such purposes as the subjugation or extirpation of slavery, or anything of that kind. I do not say it is riot prosecuted for an hundred other purposes, and for that very reason when I am inclined to express any opinion upon a matter of that kind it is mere outside show. I take it that all these propositions are thrust forward for some ulterior purposes and objects, and not, in my humble opinion, are they calculated to produce harmony in the country. I would like to see the utmost harmony prevail upon these kind of matters.
Mr. RAY. This amendment is in entire harmony with the policy of the Government. If we look to the letter which Gen. Butler addressed to Gov. Andrew, to Gen. Butler's proclamation in Baltimore, and look to the proclamation made yesterday by Gen. McClellan, I have no hesitation in saying, if those declarations express the sentiment of the Government, this amendment is in entire harmony with the policy of the Administration, and for that reason I vote for it.
Mr. CLAYPOOL. [interposing.] If that is the policy of the Administration, and that is being carried out by the army of the Government, what is the necessity for the Senate of Indiana to vote to instruct them in the line of policy to be adopted?
Mr. RAY. It is for the same necessity that induces us, in political meetings and through page: 224[View Page 224] legislative bodies, when we approve the policy of a Government to approbate it in the most emphatic way. I am willing to stand pledged to support the Administration to the last extremity in a war carried on for the purposes expressed in the resolutions, while I should be equally willing to declare that I would not support it for a moment in carrying on a war for any other purpose. I think it is the duty of this General Assembly to endorse this policy, and say to Senators and Representatives in Congress, "God speed" in this work, and if there be one willing to plunge the country into war for unholy purposes these are instructions that will limit him, and say to him that this is to be a war strictly for the purpose of putting down rebellion, maintaining Federal authority over Federal property, vindicating its laws and maintaining the honor of its flag everywhere. When it is known in Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, and Western Virginia; when the Administration declares it, when Congress itself proclaims it, as it no doubt will; when State legislatures proclaim it everywhere as they ought; it will leave no room to doubt these resolutions will reach the ears of Southern men, and disarm the rebel leaders who are everywhere instilling it into the minds of the people South that this war is begun by the Abolitionists for the purpose of murdering their women and children, stirring up servile insurrection -
Mr. ANTHONY, [interrupting.] Should not we say that it is not for the purpose of destroying their women and children?
Mr. RAY. There is no use of going into that extent of detail. We simply desire to say that the object of the war is not a political or anti-slavery one, not a sectional one, but one in which the government intends to assert its authority, and maintain its honor throughout the entire length of the land. It is sufficient for the government to declare to the people everywhere the flag of invasion goes the object is not to infringe, but maintain all rights under the Constitution.
Mr. MILLER. I am in favor of passing these resolutions just as they were reported from the House, as I remarked the other day. Now there is no particular reason for going into the details. If the Administration only prosecutes this war as it ought to, and march down upon these rebels, its purposes will be shown by its acts. I undertake to say there is more assurance given the Southern Union men in the proclamation recently issued by that noble soldier, Gen. McClellun, than in such resolutions as these passed by the Legislatures of all i he Northern States, in which he emphatically declares to the people that it is the settled policy of the administration not to prosecute this war for the purpose of subjugation, but. to sustain the people of the South against those who attempt to uproot this Government; that it is not the intention to seek the abolition of slavery by force or otherwise.
Mr. SLACK, [interrupting.] Why will you not express these sentiments in these resolutions?
Mr. MILLER. Because it is unnecessary. A man might come to you and say "I am not going to steal your horses; I will not break in your barn and take out your grain; I am an honest man;" and you would suspect him at once of being an arch felon.
Mr. SLACK. But suppose I charge the man with the intention, I ask if it would not proper for him to disclaim it? That is all we ask here.
Mr. MILLER. Who makes the charges?
Mr. SLACK. The Secessionists.
Mr. MILLER. Then it is to appease the wrath of the rebels that, you want. I will see them in hell before I will do any such thing. The Union men do not charge upon the Administration any such purposes, and I not care what the Secessionists charge, would charge them with the bayonet in return for their charges.
Mr. SLACK. Why don't you volunteer?
Mr. MILLER. I don't know but what I shall. If I should I wonder where I will find the Senator from Huntington - whether with me or against me. But it is not necessary for this government to declare we are not going to do wrong. It is not necessary for a woman to go round and declare her virtue, for if she does some man may suspect her.
A VOICE. "And act according." [Laughter.]
Mr. MILLER. Yes, and act accordingly. But I understand these rebels are in open war against us, and I am not for doing anything to appease their wrath. The fact is I want to see them whipped, and I would not do anything to stop them in their career. We will have no peace until these men are crushed.
Mr. RAY. I would ask the gentleman whether the declarations that the South must be whipped out, and other declarations of that kind; whether they do not give the rebels an argument and a powerful weapon to use upon the quiet, conservative, Union men of the South?
Mr. MILLER. I did not say the South should be whipped out. I said Southern traitors should be whipped. I do not charge every man South with being a traitor, for I believe there are some as good Union men South as there are North, and I believe some South are better than a great many that we have North.
Mr. SLACK. But what is the harm in adopting this amendment?
Mr. MILLER. It gives, as an expression of this Legislature, that they doubt the purposes of the administration of Abraham Lincoln; and I am not willing to do that to satisfy any Southern secessionists, or Northern secessionists either. I do not believe there is a Union man within the borders of the United States page: 226[View Page 226] who believes that it is the purpose of the United States to abolish slavery by force of arms.
Mr. RAY. Does not the gentleman believe the whole thing has been carried through by fraud upon the conservative, quiet people of South by a conspiracy of secession eaders deceiving and humbugging the people, making them believe it is an administration policy to interfere with their domestic affairs?
Mr. MILLER. That may be true. And I think they may have had allies in the North. I believe the purpose of those who are in rebellion was to establish a Southern Confederacy - a government of their own ; not that they believed the people of the North ever intended to abolish slavery without, their consent, but that they might put slavery on a surer foundation; and that they might have the control of the offices of that government, it is now, in a few years longer, the North will control this government, and as a consequence the public offices will be mostly filled by Northern men.
Mr. RAY. Does not the Senator believe that the reign of terror has been such as to intimidate the Union men; who would, if they had some argument or some means by which they could defend the administration, they might be able to stem the tide against them?
Mr. MILLER. The only argument you can give the Union men of the South is the Minnie rifle and the cannon; but a corrupt administration placed the arms of this government in the hands of traitors. They have the arms and the Union men are without arms, find can not defend themselves. Until the Union men are supported by force of arms you need not talk of any argument. That argument is the only one that will avail them, and it ought to be given them. These resolutions imply that our members of Congress shall do this, and vote men and money to crush out this infernal rebellion. Why declare that we are going to act high-minded and not interfere with the institution of slavery, when we have never threatened it? I am opposed to it.
Mr. CLAYPOOL withdrew his amendment to the amendment.
Mr. MELLETT offered the following amendment to the amendment:
Amend by adding: "Nor for the purpose of preventing the escape of fugitive slaves, or in any manner to aid, foster or protect the institution of slavery."
Mr. JOHNSTON moved to lay this amendment on the table.
Mr. MELLETT. I desire to explain. I suppose the object of the gentleman is to sustain and build up slavery. I shall vote against the motion to lay upon the table because I do not believe it is right to vote men or money in the Northern States to go to the Southern States for the purpose of protecting and building up or sustaining the institution of slavery.
Mr. ANTHONY. I would like to further amend by inserting: " Nor for the purpose of murdering women and children, stealing their property, or committing any other kind of felony."
The PRESIDENT (to the Secretary.) Call the roll.
Mr. RAY. I have to explain my vote by saying that if I thought the amendment was offered with any sincerity, I would be very willing to have it go along with these resolutions, for it meets my approbation; but seeing it is offered with a view to effect the amendments by levity
Mr. MELLETT (interrupting ) The object is simply to water down the amendment.
Mr. MARCH. I am satisfied with the report of the committee; expect to vote for the resolutions, and see no necessity for amending them at all. I think they cover the whole ground I shall vote to lay this on the table with the intention of voting down the other also.
The amendment was laid on the table by yeas 33, nays 10.
Mr. CLAYPOOL offered the following:
Amend by substituting for the amendment offered by the Senator from Huntington: ''That we fully and cordially approbate and indorse the policy of the Administration in its efforts to put down the rebelion now existing in certain States of the Union, and to amend the resolution by striking out the following words: return to the people.'"
Mr. CLAYPOOL. My object is simply to harmonize the feelings of gentlemen upon this floor, and suppose this substitute will meet, their views. If the resolutions simply contemplate endorsing the policy of the administration this amendment is just the thing.
Mr. RAY. I am not presumptions enough to claim to be in the confidence of this administration and know nothing about its policy, except what I gather from the proclamation of the President and his Generals in the field. I would not endorse the policy of the administration without -
Mr. NEWBOMB (interposing.) I refer the gentleman to the proclamation of the President when calling out these troops. I am satisfied no citizen of Indiana is better informed as to the policy of the administration than the gentleman from Shelby, [Mr. Ray.] If I vote to-day to approbate the policy of the administration, I vote to approbate that policy up to this time; but no vote could be construed into an approbation of a policy that might be pursued hereafter.
Mr. RAY. I have on no occasion endorsed the policy of this administration. I do not wish to be understood as endorsing the policy of an administration without knowing what it is. I suppose this war has for its object to put down rebellion and maintain the federal authority throughout the States, but if the administration has a different policy I do not endorse it.
Mr. CLAYPOOL. Then it would be easy for page: 226[View Page 226]the gentleman to put himself on the record without the amendment. But it is the studied policy of the gentleman to make a declaration of what is not the policy of the administration. He dare not disapprove of the resolutions as they came from the committee, but he wishes to adopt, a negative. He wants us to say as Senators, "we do not approve of the prosecution of this war for negative purposes, when no sane man -
Mr. RAY (interposing.) Why not say so?
Mr. CLAYPOOL. Why not say it is not prosecuted for a thousand other purposes? Now, sir, Senators have intimated that the object of this resolution was simply to endorse the policy already inaugurated by the administration. I want to see Senators respond to the amendment I proposed. I have no objection to voting upon any single isolated proposition gentlemen may choose to make, but I want gentlemen to vote squarely upon the proposition that we do approve the policy of this administration in reference to putting down rebellion. The substitute I offered does not go any farther. Any attempt to incorporate into these resolutions any opinion has a tendency to arouse former political associations, and will no doubt produce recriminations both upon one side and the other. If the gentleman wants to endorse the policy of the administration let him do so in round terms.
Mr. TARKINGTON. I did not think that the amendment offered by the Senator from Huntington, [Mr. Slack] or when it was offered by the Senator from Shelby [Mr. Ray] the other day, that it would produce any discussion. I had supposed that as far as Indiana was concerned it was understood that we were loyal and desired to prosecute this war to the farthest extent against traitors. But I am compelled to come to the conclusion that there is not much in the argument against a negative being inserted. I find the President in his proclamation declares a negative; and when I look at a late proclamation by a distinguished general from the State of Ohio [McClellan] I find a negative declared there, and if it be intention of this government to prosecute this war for the causes Senators say are legitimate, I can not see, when a portion of this country declare the object to be different from what we do, why we should not declare it in black and white. Gentlemen seem to desire to carry out their negative to every thing where there is but one legitimate issue. There is but one, and gentlemen can not shut their eyes to the fact that it is upon the question of slavery. The distinguished Andrew Johnson is now canvassing the State of Tennessee, and what is his purpose? It is to convince the people that this administration is not intending to carry on this war for the purpose of destroying the institutions of the South, but for a loyal purpose. Now, if he is canvassing the State for that purpose, and it is his object to uphold the Union men and get the Union men to rally round their standard could there be any objection to strengthening his hands by the passage of this amendment? When Andrew Johnson meets one of those large crowds and he asserts this, suppose he reads to them a resolution of the Senate of Indiana, declaring this is not the purpose of the war, and says: "I ask you to stand by the Union sentiment of the State of Tennessee," would not cause the Union men there to rally around that Senator more than they now do? Certainly it would. Gen. McClellan says in his proclamation to the people of Virginia: "Not-withstanding all that has been said by the traitors to induce you to believe that our advent among you will be signalized by interference with your slaves, understand one thing clearly, not only will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the contrary, with an iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection on their part;" and we say, "notwithstanding what the traitors say to you we declare to the contrary.''
Mr. MILLER. Does not this amendment imply doubt that Lincoln and McClellan will make good these pledges they have made?
Mr. TARKINTON. I do not think so. The great thing is they charge upon us that the administration is in favor of that, and we want simply to strengthen the Union men by declaring that we are not. I do not believe there is a Senator who will vote against this amendment that is in favor of making such a declaration. Now why not let this be a unanimous vote? I did not intend to make any remarks, but it struck me that Senators who perhaps had prepared themselves to speak had better consider this view of the matter.
Mr. LINE. We are on the eve of closing this session, and I think we had better pass over this matter till Saturday or to-morrow at 10 o'clock.
VOICES. "No, no;" "no," "vote;" "no;" "let's take a vote."
Mr. STEELE. I have not troubled the Senate much lately; I think I have not been on the floor more than once or twice this week; but upon this occasion I would like to say two or three words, and then the Senate can take any action it chooses. In saying that, I am very sorry to differ with a great majority of my own political friends on this floor upon this question, I do not, sir, think this amendment proposed by the Senator from Huntington, [Mr Slack] will have at all the effect that the Senator from St. Joseph, [Mr. Miller] says it will. I think, if it has any effect at all, it will have an entire contrary effect; and, as the Senator from Monroe [Mr. Tarkington] has said, it will quiet the minds of the people. What is the cause of the popularity of that famous address to the people of Virginia, by Gen. McClellan. It is because it breathes forth the sentiments of the people of this country. It shows to the people of Virginia, as he goes to them with an army of 80,000 men. the page: 227[View Page 227] be easy for purposes for which he goes, and that they are not what are announced by the traitors of the South. It shows those people that the intention of that powerful army under his command if not for to subjugate Virginia, or to interfere in any way with her domestic institutions, but he, upon the contrary, declares that he will use that army with an iron hand to crush any rebellion that may be raised there amongst their slaves, if necessary. This address will be read with pleasure by all Union men in Western Virginia. It gives them an argument to use against those secessionists and demagogues that are there and everywhere else trying to convince those deluded people that this war is made for no other purpose than subjugation and abolition. Now look at yesterday's Louisville Journal, and see that celebrated letter of Governor Morehead, in which he asks the question, "What has Lincoln raised an army of 250,000 men for, if it is not for subjugation and the abolition of slavery in all the South." Now, if we refuse this amendment, the people of Kentucky and the South would have some cause to believe that Governor Morehead's assertion was true; but pass it, and it gives the lie to all such assertions. It shows officially where we stand in Indiana. It will give our Union men in Kentucky an argument that will have some weight. How is it now they have rio declaration from us? Resolutions introduced here by myself, and passed unanimously by this body, breathing the same spirit, have not been sent there, as they were, for some cause or other, reconsidered in the other branch, and they lay there upon the table. I can say to Senators that I apprehend no danger in making a frank declaration of my purposes for prosecuting the war: it is for the perpetuity of this glorious Union, the maintenance of the Constitution, and enforcement of the laws. I hope the amendment will be adopted. Why, sir, who is to be believed on this occasion? Who are the persons that the people of Kentucky are to believe? Is it the Hon. Gov. Morehead, that has been a favorite and a bosom friend of Henry Clay for 50 years, when he states that, the intention of this administration is openly and avowedly for the subjugation of that country, and for the abolition of slavery? He declares it to be so, and there is a man that has stood as high as any man in the State of Kentucky that declares this. The people have been in the habit of believing him for a great many years. Or are they to believe their Governor? What have those men who stand by the Union got to testify that Indiana is not waging this war for these very purposes? Sir, I had here a Southern paper, and I have been hunting for it, in which was printed the resolutions I introduced here the other day, containing this same sentiment; one of the papers in Kentucky had printed these resolutions, and said Indiana had failed to pass resolutions against waging War for -
Mr. MILLER, (interposing.) If a man were to call you a thief, what would you do?
Mr. STEELE. That is not the question in this matter. I do not call in question the motives of that Senator or any other Senator, but sir, for the purposes I have stated, I shall vote for the amendment. There is no harm in it it can do me no harm to say to my friends in Kentucky that I am not waging a war for the subjugation of their slaves. But, if gentlemen do vote against these resolutions, the Senate of Indiana will not pass a resolution saying we are not waging a war for that purpose, and what effect will it have? Pass these, and they can say to their neighbors, "Here is what this army is for; it is not to cut our throats, but to sustain the pure American government and the flag of our country. I vote willingly and cordially for the amendment of the Senator from Huntington.
Mr. NEWCOMB. The object of these resolutions is not for the purpose of endorsing any general policy. They are instructions, and to make instructions effective they must go through this Legislature with some degree of unanimity. If we get up questions that find us nearly equally divided, they will have no effect. Now, what is the amendment of the Senator from Huntington? It is, that this war shall not be waged "for any sectional, political or anti-slavery purpose." How can any war be waged without a political purpose or object? The thing is absurd on its face.
Mr. WOLFE. I think the Senator will modify his amendment in that particular.
Mr. SLACK. Most assuredly so.
Mr. NEWCOMB. Well, sir, as I remarked, we must have these resolutions go through with some unanimity, if they are to be effective at all. Now, we have got a great deal of business to do which has to be done to-day; but rather than have this debate go on I would prefer very much to see these resolutions go by the board. Let us take up our legitimate business now, and to-morrow take up these resolutions, when we can transact no other business. I move to lay the whole subject on the table.
Mr. WILLIAMS demanded a division of the question.
The PRESIDENT. I do not know how you can divide a subject matter. To avoid consumption of time the Chair will hold that the proposition is not divisible.
Mr. WILLIAMS. Permit the Senator from Knox to appeal from that decision.
The PRESIDENT. Certainly, if the Senator desires to take up the time of the Senate.
Mr. STUDABAKER. I would suggest that this matter be made a special order for tomorrow.
Mr. NEWCOMB. Certainly.
VOICES. "No consent." "Consent." "Consent."
Mr. NEWCOMB. There being objection, I shall insist on my motion.
page: 228[View Page 228]Mr. RAY. If the amendment of the gentleman from Fayette [Mr. Claypool] were restricted, it would do. I think the Senate can come to an understanding in two minutes.
Mr. WILLIAMS now submitted his appeal in writing, to-wit: "The Chair having decided the question under debate - being a motion to lay the whole subject matter on the table not divisible, from that decision I appeal."
The question being, shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the Senate, it was so decided by yeas 26, nays 15.
The "whole subject matter" was then laid on the table by yeas 22, nays 21, as follows:
YEAS - Messrs. Anthony, Bearss, Beeson, Berry, Blair, Campbell, Claypool, Craven of Madison, Cravens of Jefferson, Culver, DeHart, Dickinson, Ferguson, Grubb, Hull, March, Miller, Newcomb, Robinson, Stone, Teegarden and Turner - 22.
NAYS - Messrs. Carnahan, Cobb, Conley, Hamilton, Johnston, Jones, Line, Lomax, Mellett, O'Brien, Odell, Hay, Shoemaker, Shoulders, Slack, Steele, Studabaker, White, Williams, Wilson and Wolfe - 21.
THE GENERAL APPROPRIATION BILL.
Mr. STUDABAKER, from the Committee on Finance, made the following report:
Mr. President, the committee to whom was referred House bill No. 60 - "A bill making additional general appropriations for the years 1861 and 1862, and defining the funds from which they are to be paid, and providing for a committee to audit claims upon said appropriation, and providing for the expenses thereofhave had the same under consideration according to order, and have directed me to report the tame back and recommend its passage.
Mr. STUDABAKER moved to concur in the report with the following amendment:
SEC.-. That there be appropriated the sum of fifteen hundred dollars for unpaid balance for printing for the year 1860, to be paid out only when the Auditor and Treasurer of State ascertain the accounts to be correct.
The motion was agreed to.
On the further motion of Mr. STUDABAKER, the bill was considered as engrossed and read the third time.
Mr. CARNAHAN moved to recommit the bill, with instructions "to strike out all that relates to commissioners to audit and allow accounts."
The appointment of these claim commissioners was favored by Messrs. Hamilton, Studabaker and Steele, and opposed by Messrs. Wolfe and Slack.
On motion by Mr. STUDABAKER - yeas 25, nays 13 - this motion was laid on the table.
Mr. MARCH offered the following amendment, which was agreed to by consent:
SEC. 11. That the Governor, Adjutant General and Treasurer of State shall report to the General Assembly, at its next session, the amount of money expended and the specific items for which expended, under the specific appropriations made to their respective offices, in this act; and the Librarian shall make a like report of the money expended by him under this appropriation bill.
Mr. RAY moved to recommit the bill, with the following instructions:
"Amend by striking out the appropriations for the Treasurer, Governor and Librarian of State, for incidental purposes."
Mr. DEHART offered the following additional instructions:
"Amend so as to require said committee to execute a bond in the sum of five thousand dollars each, for the faithful performance of their duty as said Auditory Committee."
Pending which -
Came the recess till two o'clock.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the General Appropriation bill, H. R. 60, pending at the time of taking the recess for dinner. - The motion to recommit was rejected, by yeas 16, nays 20.
Mr. WOLFE submitted instructions that the committee n-meud by adding, after the word "to-wit," in sec. 8, these words: "$3,000 for the year 1861, to the various judges of the State who may hold courts of other judges, and for which they are entitled to pay out of the State Treasury, and $3,000 for a like purpose for this year."
Mr. CLAYPOOL submitted additional instructions, to strike out that part which appropriates $1,500 for back pay for State printing.
Mr. DEHART submitted the following additional instructions: To amend so as to allow adjutant John M. Wallace the sum of one hundred and fifty dollars, for his services as Adjutant General.
On motion by Mr. STUDABAKER - yeas 21, nays 20 - the motion to recommit was laid on the table.
Mr. STUDABAKER offered the following amendment, which was agreed to.
SECTION -. The unsettled accounts for State printing, executed according to law previous to the year 1861, when ascertained and certified to be correct by the Secretary of State, shall be allowed and paid out of the money appropriated for printing for the years 1861 and 1862.
Mr. ROBINSON moved to amend by inserting in the proper place these words: "said committee shall, before entering on the discharge of their duty, take and subscribe an oath, to be administered by the Auditor of State, to diligently, faithfully and impartially discharge all the duties required of them by virtue of their appointment."
This amendment was also agreed to.
Mr. STUDABAKER demanded the previous question, and there being a second, the bill failed - yeas 21, nays 22 - for want of a constitutional majority.
PUBLIC HIGHWAYS.
Mr. ODELL, from the Committee on Roads, returned the public highway bill, [House 57,] &c., recommending its passage with amendments.
The report was concurred in.
THE AUDITOR'S LABOR-SAVING BILL.
Mr. WILLIAMS submitted the following report:
MR. PRESIDENT: The special committee to whom was referred House bill No. 48, have had the same under consideration according to order, and have directed me to report the
