tenance, and the silent progress of the hand on the dial of the clock, all admonish me that the intimate, and, for the most part, the uninterrupted agreeable relations which have existed between us are rapidly approaching their termination. But I cherish the consciousness that we will retire from this, the theatre of our labors and the field of our conflicts with none but sentiments of the utmost kindness and personal regard, such as our intimate social and official relations would naturally originate. It is true, temporary political excitements necessarily occur in such bodies, and they have had their usual course and freedom during our deliberations ; but you will, doubtless, bear me witness that these, when once passed away, have invariably taken with them the momentary bitterness and asperity of the political contests in which they rise and sink. But we might
"As well expect eternal sunshine, cloudless skies,
As men forever calm, temperate and wise."
Our deliberations so far have been conducted in the midst of the most extraordinary scenes that have ever before dawned upon the country. A spirit of revolution, of impatience with the wholesome restraints of law, and almost universal dissatisfaction with the existing order of things, has so interfused its poison in the popular mind, as to have broken up the foundations of society and government, and let loose the fierce passions of mankind to prey upon all that has heretofore been regarded as pure, peaceable and of good report. The grand idea of the capacity of man for self-government, which was first conceived and practically incorporated into a system of government by those whose dreams of freedom within the shadow of thrones developed within them a desire to kindle the beacon fires of liberty on the rocks of New England, and while their songs of liberty were mingled with the loud roar of the ocean, as its waves broke upon that rock-bound coast, the unopened page of the future was being impressed with a theory of government in perfect harmony with the grandeur of that idea which was soon to result in the establishment of a Constitution instinct with the attributes of civil and religious liberty. What this has produced in National and domestic prosperity we all well know. To what an unexpected and unnecessary test this grand experiment is now subjective, the logic of events is but too plainly illustrating. What may be the result of the present alarming condition of national affairs, human wisdom cannot forsee, or human sagacity foretell; but that peace and harmony will be evolved out of the present anarchy, no man who loves his race can for a moment doubt, though he may be in total ignorance of the agencies by which it will be produced; but the elements of that confidence are to all the "evidence of things not seen, the substance of things hoped for." The inquiry naturally arises, what can we do to hasten coming events that are to be as oil on the troubled waters? Faultless ourselves in bringing upon the country the "ills we have," it were wise that we "fly not to others we know not of."
Specific and definite proposals of a local character for a settlement of existing difficulties, seem only to increase the complication of affairs, by exciting debate and its accompanying animosity. Remedies are alone to be found in the wisdom of Congress, or in the patriotism of a Constitutional Convention. A remedy proposed by either would be canvassed in a catholic spirit of nationality, while local remedies would be scrutinized in the light of party platforms and sectional prejudice.-Hence it would appear to be a dictate of prudence that we, a part only of a whole comprised of many members, should patiently await the remedy of that wisdom that presides over the destiny of the whole, and, in a spirit of unselfish love of country, unite in applying that remedy.
But, in the seething cauldron of passion, it may be that there is nothing left us but overwhelming calamity, and all the horrors which many good men fear there is too much reason to anticipate. Should this be our fate, we can only unite in the fervent prayer, "God save the right,"-
Should the "tempest swing, The Pine against the Palm."
In the midst of these hopes and fears; in the midst of these realities and the visions and anticipations to which they give birth, lave we, the representatives of the State, been called to deliberate, and if we have not been able to mature so much legislation as, under ordinary circumstances might have been expected, or even deemed necessary, I congratu page: 372[View Page 372]late you upon the fact that we have not unadvisedly, and with ill-timed haste, been betrayed into the adoption of any measure that might have contributed to the present excitement, or have committed us to a line of policy that might in the future embarrass the freedom of our action with reference to a proposes-ed measure for the National peace.
Much important legislation has been completed, and much of equal importance has been passed over, incomplete, owing to a want of harmony and difference in opinion that may have been increased by the pressure of internal excitement, but this misfortune is small ,when contrasted with the magnitude of the former, and the remedy will doubtless be suggested within the quiet and retirement of the hours that are now waiting to welcome us.
With these remarks, gentlemen, you will permit me to tender to you my grateful acknowledgment of the honor you have done me in having selected me to preside over your deliberations in so eventful a period, and and of the kind indulgence extended to my many faults, which could not, on many occasions, but have been manifest to all. Yet, allow me to assure you, that, whatever errors I may have committed, and, numerous as they doubtless are, in the discharge of the delicate duties imposed upon me, they had their origin in an inexperienced head and not in a wilful heart.
And if I can have unintentionally given offence to any, whether members of the Senate, officers, or others, at the hands of all of whom I have received nothing but evidences of kindness and consideration beyond any merit of mine, to you, I say, I will bear about with me the recollection of that act longer than you can.
Again, I thank you, and commend you to those kind friends, in the enjoyment of whose society at home, you will soon forget the strife of the Senate chamber, but in the midst of which, I trust, you will indulge occasional recollections of the Senate and its President.
On motion by Mr. RAY, it was ordered that this address be spread upon the journals of the Senate, and that a copy be furnished along with the proceedings of the day for publication.
On motion by Mr. BLAIR, the resolution authorizing the printing of the State Auditor's Reports, was amended so as to include the Treasurer's reports for the same years.
The House concurrent resolution, authorizing the printing of 500 copies of the laws and joint resolutions of this session in the German language, was agreed to.
The House concurrent resolution, instructing our Senators in Congress, and requesting our Representatives to procure, if possible, a repeal of the act of Congress compelling invalid pensioners to procure biennial certificates of surgeons, was agreed to.
Mr. BEARSS offered a concurrent resolution directing the Auditor of State to draw his warrant for an allowance made a messenger of the Senate in the specific appropriation bill, but omitted in the engrossed copy, which was agreed to.
The House concurrent resolution in regard to section 9 of an act to provide for the erection of a new prison north of the National Road, &c., approved March 5, 1859, '' construing it as meaning and allowing the Superintendent and Warden $3 per day, instead of allowing him $3 per day for superintending and $3 per day for warden, and that the Directors or Auditor of State be directed to only draw his warrant for $3 per day for both warden and superintendent per diem"-was agreed to.
Mr. STONE offered the following:
Resolved, That a call of Senators be now ordered, for the purpose of ascertaining the number of Senators present on the final adjournment of the Senate.
Which was adopted.
Accordingly, the roll was called and 44 Senators reported as being present, viz :
Messrs. Anthony, Bearss, Beeson, Berry, Blair, Campbell, Carnahan, Claypool, Cobb, Conley, Conner, Craven of Madison, Cravens of Jefferson, Culver, Dickinson, Ferguson, Grubb, Hamilton, Hull, Johnson, Jones, Landers, Line, Lomax, March, Mellett, Miller, Murray, Newcomb, O'Brien, Odell, Ray, Robinson, Shoemaker, Steele, Stone, Studabaker, Tarkington, Teegarden, Wagner, White, Williams, Wilson, and Wolfe-44.
The PRESIDENT, Gentlemen, I now wish you, one and all, a happy return to family and friends, and declare this Senate adjourned, sine die.
